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Adam Price: It is ridiculous—how many miles of electrified track do we have in this 21st-century nation called Wales? None, not a single mile. It is absolutely ridiculous that we are in that position. Furthermore, if we look into the future, I am glad that Network Rail are looking at very high-speed rail again, but we have asked and asked again why it is looking only at the option of a very high-speed rail network between London and Bristol. Why are we left off the agenda? Surely that should be London, Bristol and Cardiff, because it is vital to connect Wales to the burgeoning high-speed rail network. In three years’ time, Poland will have a modern, very high-speed rail network, and it is a country that has had to cope with the problems of 45 or 50 years of communism and all the rest of it.
Nia Griffith (Llanelli) (Lab): Does the hon. Gentleman, like me, welcome the investment that will ensure that we have a proper line from Swansea westwards? Coming over the Loughor bridge, we are having an upgrade of that vital bit through Gowerton, which is absolutely essential to west Wales.
Adam Price: I do welcome that, but I believe it is paid for through the Welsh Assembly Government. That is part of the problem—Network Rail now believes that if it cuts its expenditure in Wales, the shortfall will be made up by the Welsh Assembly Government. However, when they are hard pressed, the Welsh Assembly Government should not have to dip into other budgets to make up for Network Rail not giving Wales a fair share of the budget.
Albert Owen (Ynys Môn) (Lab): It is important to put on record that the £9 billion investment in the west coast main line brings benefits to Wales. The argument for electrification has not been made because many experts, including the rail unions, think that we should have high-speed diesel. The line speeds are what we need to improve. There is an allocation from the Department for Transport to the Welsh Assembly Government to upgrade the line speeds of the trains. We have the benefit from the west coast upgrade—costing £9 billion—which this week has brought extra and faster services to north Wales. It is wrong to give the impression that there has been no improvement in recent years.
Adam Price: I am not saying that there has been no improvement, but that Wales has not had its fair share of the cake, and I rest my case there. [Interruption.] The Great Western main line electrification project literally stops at the Welsh border and no rationale has been presented for that.
Moving on, skills are vital, not just to addressing the serious crisis that we are facing but to building a platform for the future. I note with concern the comments of the Innovation, Universities, Science and Skills Committee on the draft Apprenticeship Bill. The Committee believed that the Whitehall Departments had
“treated consultation with the Welsh Assembly Government and the National Assembly for Wales as an afterthought.”
It was concerned about why that was so. There were references in the Bill to the Learning and Skills Council, which clearly do not apply to Wales, so that had not been thought through. Can the Minister say in his response what has happened on that front and why the consultation was so poor on that occasion?
In terms of the broader macro-economic situation, it is increasingly clear that the cut in interest rates and the recapitalisation have not yet worked—they have not unlocked the credit that is so vital, both to individuals and to the business sector. In the United States we have seen a cut virtually to zero—we are where the Bank of Japan was in the 1990s. There has also been “quantitative easing”—the modern equivalent of printing money—but unless the banks want to lend, not even that works. We may well be in a similar position soon.
However, a number of policy options remain available to the Government. We could—we almost certainly will—see a further cut in interest rates here as well. If the Government do not see any change of policy by the banks, then they have to look at the panoply of remaining options, including the sort of guarantee for bank lending that we have already heard about. The Government themselves could lend directly through a state credit institution; they could control, or fix, interest rates themselves; or they could effect, as the right hon. Member for Islwyn floated, a wholesale nationalisation of the banking sector.
We may only be months away from any one of those options being implemented. The important thing is that we issue an ultimatum to the banks that they cannot simply use the lower interest rates and the recapitalisation to repair their balance sheet. They have to strike a balance with their responsibility to oil the wheels of the economy during this difficult time.
Mr. David Jones (Clwyd, West) (Con): The hon. Gentleman says that the banks cannot simply use the recapitalisation to repair their balance sheet, but surely that is, at least in part, a requirement of the Government? The Government require that the liquidity of the banks should be virtually doubled. Therefore, to a certain extent, the banks, although not entirely blameless, are also at the mercy of the Government.
Adam Price: That is a point well made. I understand that the banks are not making this case themselves. They are not calling—at least not publicly—for a relaxation of capital adequacy ratios. The hon. Gentleman makes the good point that there seems to be at least a tension between the Government and the Financial Services Authority, for example, which seems to be suggesting that it wants to see a more conservative lending policy, because it does not want the mistakes of the boom to be repeated. On the other hand, the Government want the banks to start lending more liberally, or as liberally as they were last year. There is a tension which is, to my mind, unresolved at the moment, so the point is well made.
There may come a time however, when monetary policies options are exhausted. As President-elect Obama says, America has reached that point. The only thing left is a further bout of fiscal stimulus—much bigger even than the one we have seen to date. My prediction is that the Government will almost certainly have to look at a fiscal stimulus even bigger than the one that we have seen. That raises all the difficult issues in terms of borrowing, but if that is the only option left and if one may be staring at a 1930s-style slump if monetary policy is no longer working, inaction is not an option.
I ask the Government to look very seriously at the housing market because that is the key to the solution—the way out of this crisis. Unless we can create a floor in the housing market, stop prices falling any further and creating the vicious circle that we have at the moment, there is no hope in the wider economy. That is why I am a little disappointed that the Government are going to wait until the Budget to implement the findings of the Crosby review and introduce a state guarantee for new mortgage lending. It might be too late by then. We are already 15 per cent. down. Barclays’ and the Government’s own figures are looking either at a 25 or 30 per cent. fall from the height of the housing market. The property derivatives market in the UK is now pricing in a 50 per cent. fall in house prices. If that happens it would be difficult to imagine what any Government could do because there really would be a debt deflation cycle.
Mr. Elfyn Llwyd (Meirionnydd Nant Conwy) (PC): I am sure my hon. Friend heard what the right hon. Member for Neath had to say this morning on the subject. That was a useful suggestion but I hope it could be coupled with some move on stamp duty because stamp duty is still a drag on house purchase, especially very often for first-time buyers. I would like to see a considerable move in that direction to create a stimulus.
Adam Price: I agree. The Government need to increase by at least a factor of 10 what they are doing in this sector. We had the announcement of an extra £100 million for HomeBuy Direct, but that is only £400 million in total, which, off the top of my head, could help about 16,000 people. That is fewer than one in 10 of first-time buyers in a year, even at the historically very low numbers of first-time buyers we have now. It is a drop in the ocean.
What we need is an all-encompassing system of support for first-time buyers, particularly in relation to the deposit. Therein lies the problem. Two years ago it would have been possible for a first-time buyer to have a deposit of £10,000 on a property worth £200,000—that would have been enough. Now, for a property worth £100,000, one needs a deposit of £25,000. It takes years for a first-time buyer couple to raise that kind of cash. The Government have to step in, and not just for 16,000 first-time buyers—that is just one month of first-time buyers. They have to step in for everyone.
In a letter to the Financial Times this week, Professor Charles Goodhart made an interesting suggestion that the Government should provide an interest-free loan. If we cannot provide a grant for first-time buyers, we could provide a non-means-tested, interest-free loan for a significant proportion of the deposit. The Government will have to look very quickly at that sort of idea, because it could well be too late by March.
Finally, I would like to touch on the medium-term consequences of the present situation, particularly for us in Wales and for the Welsh Assembly Government’s budget. The figures that I have seen are very worrying, bringing back memories of those massive cutbacks in public services that we saw in the late ’70s and early ’80s. The Government have said that they are seeking £5 billion of savings over the next few years. It depends where those savings are found, but most of them are already published in the pre-Budget report—at least £4.15 billion are in 100 per cent. comparable areas of expenditure, and I anticipate that the entire £5 billion will be similarly comparable.
The Barnett reduction for Wales from that £5 billion saving is approximately £300 million. The effect of the savings that the Government have already announced in the pre-Budget report, excluding any additional savings that may be announced in March, will be that, on the revenue side, the budget for the Welsh Assembly Government in 2010-11 will be just under £300 million less than it would have been before those savings were announced.
On the capital side, the Government have allowed the Assembly to bring forward £140 million of expenditure, and it would be wise of the Welsh Assembly Government to use that in the same way as the Westminster Government are doing. In addition, the baseline for the Department of Health has changed—that was also announced in the PBR—which means a reduction in the baseline of £75 million of capital expenditure for 2010-11. If one puts the £140 million and the £75 million together, we have a lower figure for capital expenditure in 2011-12 of £215 million.
The upshot is that in 2010-11 and 2011-12 combined, we are talking about a reduction in the budgets of more than £500 million, compared to what would have been in those budgets prior to the announcement of the savings. That is an horrendous figure, and I cannot see how the Assembly Government can avoid revisiting even some of the budgets that they have passed. There will be real cuts in services. In addition, we may be back in an inflationary part of the cycle by then, given the current volatility of the economy. I am genuinely concerned about how, three years down the line, we will afford such reductions. I have not factored into my calculations any additional savings that may have to be found, such as the £37 billion of additional savings that the Institute for Fiscal Studies has talked about.
I ask that when the Holtham commission reports on the financial arrangements in these islands, the Government give that report urgent consideration. I understand that these are difficult times and they will be difficult in all parts of the United Kingdom, but Wales is a special case. Ours is a socially disadvantaged nation and it does not seem fair that we should shoulder exactly the same level of cut that will be felt across the UK, when we have to cope with a huge legacy of social disadvantage that is there not by our choice, but as an inheritance of previous mistakes made by previous Administrations in previous generations. I urge the Minister to look urgently at the figures. When the Holtham commission report comes in, may we have funding justice across these islands?
2.33 pm
Dr. Hywel Francis (Aberavon) (Lab): It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Carmarthen, East and Dinefwr once again. He has given a thoughtful and balanced presentation, although I do not agree with everything he said. I was particularly struck by his historical parallels and I offer to him another interesting historical perspective: I have recently been looking at the impact of the miners’ strike of 1984-85 on Wales. Quite apart from the terrible human sacrifices and losses that people incurred as families, one of the striking things about that period was that we lost 20,000 skilled jobs, with very little serious attention being given by employers or the Government to assisting those miners. That is a striking contrast with today, when employers, unions and the Governments in Wales and Westminster are committed to the question of skills. That is the theme of what I want to say.
In that context, I endorse the Government’s responses to the global crisis, as represented in the Chancellor’s pre-Budget report and in the welcome statements made this morning by two Ministers. I want to address some of the key issues from the perspective of the Select Committee on Welsh Affairs, which I chair, and from the perspective of being the MP for Aberavon, which relies heavily on manufacturing jobs, particularly in steel and the automotive sector.
I certainly welcome the role of CBI Wales in directly contacting Welsh MPs to ensure that the views of local businesses are communicated back to the Government directly. We appreciate and endorse its recent contact with Welsh MPs and its strengthening of the relationship with us. In my discussions with local businesses, my constituents and trade unions, there has been a general appreciation that the crisis is global, but a recognition that something can and must be done to mitigate the problems facing us.
It so happens that the Welsh Affairs Committee’s recent work has a direct bearing on the global challenges facing Wales. I am sure that everybody will be pleased to know that our globalisation report will be published in the new year, and it will be a timely intervention. The impressive evidence that we received, particularly from those involved in higher education in Wales, indicated to us the great role that universities, colleges and schools play in developing Wales and moving it towards achieving a globalised knowledge economy. Our cross-border inquiry is proceeding, and our education report will also be published in the new year. In that report, too, we have highlighted some important issues. I do not want to anticipate too much of what it will say, but the evidence that we have gathered indicates that we need to raise the significance of education, skills and training in our discussions, particularly on the present crisis.
Even the work that we are about to begin on the carers legislative competence order has a bearing on all this. I warmly welcome the Welsh Assembly’s proposal, and I believe that the 350,000 unpaid carers in Wales will benefit from the LCO. The opportunity that it will afford many of them to be given proper advice and guidance on entering the work force will benefit them and the Welsh economy.
Against the welcome background of the Government’s pre-Budget report providing more loans and deferred tax payments for small businesses, more support for jobcentres, a moratorium on repossessions and £3 billion of capital projects, I turn to issues that have been raised with me in my constituency that have a bearing on skills. Port Talbot, as you know, Mr.Caton, is steel, and steel is Port Talbot. However, what is new for us is that in steel, as in other manufacturing sectors, the economy is much more integrated throughout the world. Therefore, we are much more vulnerable to rapid changes in it. At the same time, however, as I said in my opening remarks, we have a company in Corus and a trade union—my trade union—in Community that are very committed to the local community and keen and anxious to support local families and the Welsh economy. Philippe Varin, the chief executive of Corus, recently said that it has a constructive partnership with the union and is committed to local communities. We have a skilled, innovative and loyal work force who wish to ensure that the Government’s dynamic commitment to a growing skilled economy is achieved. The skills agenda, as represented by the Leitch report and the Webb report in Wales, needs to be implemented now—fully—and the commitment to those two reports must be greater than ever because of the crisis that we face.
I shall now look at the nature of the crisis as it is represented in steel and in Corus. Corus rightly draws attention to some very serious challenges, but it recognises that the situation is not without hope by any means. Sales are down by an average of 47 per cent. throughout the business, and production has been cut by 30 per cent. across the board. One blast furnace has been temporarily closed down in Port Talbot, and savings of £500 million are being sought throughout Corus—an increase on the figure of £350 million at the October European works council. Corus is also seeking a £100 million saving on the UK payroll over the first six months of 2009, so very big demands are being made of the work force, yet, thanks in part to the good work of my hon. Friend the Member for Llanelli, Trostre and the Orb appear to be bearing up. Corus Packaging Plus at Trostre is benefiting from people staying at home to drink out of metal cans and from the buying of canned food, and that is certainly a welcome development—for Llanelli, anyway. There is still a profitable market for electrical steels, too.
However, Llanwern is unfortunately on virtual shutdown as Port Talbot is able to roll all the steel that it needs at the moment. A final decision on the capital expenditure for the relining of number four blast furnace in Port Talbot is, worryingly, still awaited, too, and 400 redundancies in the Corus distribution and building systems division have been announced and are being consulted on in various locations throughout the UK. They include Shotton, in north Wales, where 95 redundancies are being sought, and a few are being sought at some south Wales sites.
At the same time, however, it is most welcome that employers and the unions are engaging positively and constructively with the Government in two different contexts. First, Corus is seeking a subsidy from Michael Leahy, the general secretary of Community. The Government could conceivably provide funding, but the union is anxious to ensure that such commitments include the condition that the work force be given plenty of opportunity to be trained or upskilled. Those discussions ought to be encouraged and strengthened, and I would like the Secretary of State for Wales to be actively involved in supporting these developments. At the same time, it is most welcome to see that the steel union Community is also committed to the retraining. It has put in a bid to the Department for Work and Pensions to access such funds. In broad terms, although it is a challenging time, unlike in the mid 1980s in the coal industry the Government, employers and unions are keen to assist the work force in upskilling and reskilling.
Equally important in my constituency, but very different, is the automotive sector. It has a different set of challenges, mainly because so many of the plants are small and reliant on much bigger plants elsewhere, as we have seen with Honda. We had two major setbacks with the Linamar plant in my constituency and the announcement that Borg Warner will close in 2010. As that is likely to take place 18 months or 21 months from now, there is an ideal opportunity for the employers, the unions and the Government to come together to make a difference to the life chances of those working there. Again, that is in stark contrast to the experiences of miners and their families in the mid 1980s.
It has almost become a byword or a clichÃ(c) that we live in exceptional times and we need exceptional measures. I have been impressed by the Roosevelt or Obama spirit of “Yes we can” in my own constituency. It is a strange mixture of people being genuinely worried about their jobs and a serious desire that they be able to make a difference themselves against the background of a supportive Government. I recently received an e-mail from a small company in my constituency which, with your permission, Mr. Caton, I shall read out, excising some of the references for reasons of commercial sensitivity. It illustrates the way in which local companies are rising to the challenge and looking to the Government for support but not expecting them to solve all their problems. The e-mail states:
“We have been through a tough 18 months with some customers transferring work to low cost countries. We have however been working hard to offset that by concentrating on other markets. Over the last 12 months we have added some of the world’s largest prime contractors to our list of customers... As with all growth it consumes cash, we have got up front costs we must invest in before we get payment from our customers, such as wages, materials and equipment. I have put in an application for Government funding...So to recap, things look good if we get the investment or if we don't then things will be bleak. We hope the new investment will allow us to increase our workforce by 12 over the next 12 months.”
So, even in an apparently difficult time, local businesses are responding innovatively, recognising the importance of skills and the partnerships that they can develop with the Government and trade unions.
To sum up, the PBR, through our overarching commitment to skills and innovation and infrastructure investment, provides the basis for changing a situation of adversity to one of considerable opportunity. I am reminded of a recent visit by the Welsh Affairs Committee to Mondragon, in the Basque country, where there was the pioneering work of the co-operative movement and mutualism. They prefer not to talk of globalisation there. They say that it is a neo-liberal concept. It is more important to talk, in their words, of
“internationalisation as an open and internationalised environment building external networks, social cohesion, solidarity with the world, and respectful of the environment.”
Mr. Stephen Crabb (Preseli Pembrokeshire) (Con): I, and perhaps other hon. Members, would find it helpful if the hon. Gentleman explained the difference between globalisation and internationalisation.
 
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