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Mr. Deputy Speaker (Sir Michael Lord): Order. I am afraid that the hon. Gentleman has had his six minutes.
8.15 pm
Mr. David Wilshire (Spelthorne) (Con): By a happy coincidence—I hope it is happy—I got back from Moscow at lunchtime today, having spent two days there. I was there with the president of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and with the four political party group leaders, finalising our report for a part-session of the assembly next week. That report is on the consequences of the war between Russia and Georgia and the steps taken by both sides to implement Council of Europe resolution 1633, which demands the very things that people in this House and elsewhere in this country have been saying must happen.
I have been deeply involved in all these matters since the war broke out. That involvement has taken me to Tbilisi, Gori, South Ossetia and Moscow several times. All that experience has reinforced in me the belief that jumping to conclusions is usually a bad idea. Five months on, the scene looks really rather different. Five months ago, most of us believed that Russia had started the fighting, on 7 August. I think the world community has now come to the view that the fighting on 7 August was started by the Georgians. Who knows? Nevertheless, the criticism of both sides—I stress it is of both sides—is genuine, proper and needs to be addressed.
I did not want to speak on this matter. I do not want to talk tonight about who did what and when, or who is to blame and who is not. I should like to pick up on comments made in one of the documents before us:
“The European Union has a vital interest in seeking stability, better governance and economic development at its Eastern borders.”
I can only say amen to that. There are all sorts of reasons why; the economic ones were mentioned earlier. Russia is the EU’s third largest trading partner; half of Russia’s overseas trade is with the EU; and 25 per cent. of oil and gas coming into the EU countries comes from Russia. That is a clear case, but again it is not the one I want to pursue.
In the remaining time available to me, however, I want to focus on something more fundamental: whether our future security and our future prosperity are better with a stand-alone Russia or a Russia that is integrated into Europe. Russia is a country in transition. I support and agree with many of the remarks made by the right hon. Member for Walsall, South (Mr. George) about Russia’s shortcomings; I have observed elections there as well. It is a country in transition from totalitarianism to democracy, and it is showing what a slow and difficult process that is. Russia has had Yeltsin chaos, the humiliation of a collapsed economy and the same financial crisis that we face. It is worth noting that unrest has already broken out in Vladivostok in respect of the financial crisis.
My recent visit has convinced me that the hon. Member for Kingston and Surbiton (Mr. Davey) is correct that Russians are asking the same question: is it better for Russia to go it alone or to integrate? My assessment—it is a guess, as who knows what goes on in the Kremlin—is that the Kremlin leadership thinks that going it alone is the better way forward, but that a significant minority disagrees with that view. If we cut off dialogue with Russia, we cannot help that minority, which needs our
help. If we want to see what we are calling for—an end to some of the nonsense and a better democracy—we need to help those in Russia who believe in that.
Of course, that is not a call for business as usual. The Council of Europe investigation has made it blindingly clear to the Russians that we are not talking about business as usual; we are not even talking about a slap on the wrist. I understand only too well that if the international community does nothing, the Russians will have won, in a sense, if we want to talk in those terms. If on the other hand we do too much and try to kick Russia out of the world community—something we cannot do; the more I look at this matter, the more sympathy I have with the hon. Member for Thurrock (Andrew Mackinlay)—it will be as bad as doing too little. So it is not business as usual.
One may rightly ask whether, if the Russians have a problem and want our help, that situation matters to us. I suggest that there are a fair few pointers. Let us consider the issues involved. One is security. Does not the Russia-Georgia episode, whoever is to blame, tell us that we ought to worry about the security of Europe? Another issue is the gas situation involving Russia and Ukraine. Does it matter who is really to blame? The situation ought to tell us that our prosperity is at risk if we do not become engaged in it. Yesterday’s murders in Russia, which the hon. Member for Walsall, North (Mr. Winnick) mentioned, and the spread of criminality matter to the rest of us.
Let me ask a final question. If the situation in Russia does matter, how can we help Russia to change? It is not keen on rapid change, which it has experienced twice recently. The Bolshevik revolution brought it chaos, and it did not much care for that rapid change; Yeltsin brought it change, and it did not much care for that either. So how do we help to bring about change? Do we do it by poking our tongue out, to quote the hon. Member for Thurrock? Do we do it by refusing to talk? Or do we do it by engaging, and helping those who want the same as us?
8.21 pm
Mike Gapes (Ilford, South) (Lab/Co-op): The European Scrutiny Committee and its Chairman are to be congratulated on bringing this issue to the House. For the reasons given by the hon. Member for Spelthorne (Mr. Wilshire), I think it very important for us to watch developments in Russia very closely.
It is clear that the arrogance and cockiness of the Putin period could change rapidly if the rapid reduction in gas and oil prices continues. Russia has had huge surpluses for many years. Now it faces the major challenges of reconstruction, a population that continues to decline or remains stable and a need for foreign investment, yet it causes problems with its attitude and behaviour. The Russian stock market has been taken out of operation several times, and has seen some huge crashes in which oligarchs have lost billions. I believe that there may be people in Russia now who will be quite worried about how the public will react in the coming years.
The Minister was right to refer to the need for a structured, regular dialogue with Russia, but that does not quite represent the permanent partnership arrangement that I think the Commission envisaged when it and the Council and Ministers agreed to reopen the process.
The Minister will know that, as we made clear in our 2007 report, the Foreign Affairs Committee was sceptical, indeed doubtful, about the point of reopening those discussions. We thought that it might lead to endless disputes about values and about issues that are still unresolved, such as the systematic harassment of the British ambassador in Moscow, the closure of the British Council offices, and the way in which—my right hon. Friend the Member for Walsall, South (Mr. George) referred to this—non-governmental organisations, human rights activists and others have been harassed.
As recently as December, the Duma passed new legislation that basically abolishes jury trial in a very large number of cases, and returns to the Stalinist period and the Bolshevik model for dealing with prosecutions. The definitions of people who are carrying out acts of treason could be interpreted to apply to anyone who speaks to a foreign journalist. If that is indeed the case, there are worrying trends in Russian society.
My right hon. Friend the Member for Walsall, South quoted the statistics correctly. It is not surprising, if the term “democracy” is associated with the drunken disaster of the Yeltsin era, that when people see a strong man bringing order out of chaos, they start to think that that is better than what they had before. Given the association with a rise in incomes resulting from a global increase in oil and gas prices, it is clear that for eight or nine years things have been getting better and better for most Russians, but that will not continue indefinitely.
Unlike China and India, Russia is massively dependent not on its own manufacturing or domestic growth or on foreign direct investment on manufactured goods and exports, but on the sale of crude commodities around the world. That makes Russia very vulnerable. We know that Russian society contains some very nasty political groups on the far right, including the Nashi group, who are supporters of President Putin but also support the people who carried out the attacks on the British diplomats in Moscow.
In the time that remains, I want to touch on two or three more issues. The Commission document refers to the development of
“a common position on Russia’s proposal for a new European security order”.
President Sarkozy has finessed that, as it were, into some kind of super-OSCE consideration, perhaps involving a meeting at some point in the next few months, but the issue is not going to go away. It is a long-standing Russian ambition effectively to get rid of NATO by establishing an all-Russian security system whereby it becomes very weak.
It occurs to me that the onset of President Obama today will pose some very difficult issues for the United States Administration. Like the hon. Member for Kingston and Surbiton (Mr. Davey), I attended the Democratic convention in Denver, and I was struck by the difference in the views expressed by Democrat academics on the panels when dealing with the attitude to Russia and Georgia. There is no consensus. I think that one of the important questions will be the direction in which President Obama’s Administration go when it comes to issues such as missile defence, in regard to which there is
clearly a need—from the Russian point of view—for a change in the American approach. Will that happen, and if it does, will we see constructive Russian engagement with the United States with the aim of solving the problems in the middle east and working towards a resolution of the situation in Iran?
Russia is an important partner and permanent Security Council member, and we also need good relations with her.
8.27 pm
Mr. William Cash (Stone) (Con): I very much concur—somewhat surprisingly, perhaps—with the closing remarks of the hon. Member for Ilford, South (Mike Gapes). It is absolutely essential that we maintain good and proper relations with Russia. The dialogue has been disturbed recently, but the reality is that we are dealing with a world power. It may be that a good many of its tanks and other equipment are rather dodgy nowadays, but the reality is that it still possesses massive inter-ballistic missile capacity, it is a country of enormous importance in world relations, and it has historically been integrated into the thinking of all the great nations of western Europe—and, indeed, the United States, China and India—over the last 150 or 200 years. It would be impossible and, I think, rather absurd for us to adopt the idea that we should not have the best possible relations with Russia, even given that there are a number of matters on which there are reservations.
As for the question of democracy, let us not forget that it is only relatively recently, in terms of the history of Russia, that we had a Soviet Union. We really must examine the situation realistically without prejudice to the difficulties in relation to human rights and so on to which reference has been made.
To achieve that, we must bear in mind relations with our other eastern European allies. I am not persuaded, as hon. Members know, that a European Union security arrangement is a good idea. I believe strongly in a form of association, and I know from my frequent visits to eastern Europe with the European Scrutiny Committee in the past few years—most recently to the Czech Republic—and my contacts in the Baltic states and so on that if one asks what has made those countries so interested in the European dimension, the answer is defence and their experience of being under Soviet domination during the time of the Soviet Union. We must therefore think carefully about a matter that has hardly been touched on today—missile deployment. We must ensure that Russia understands what we have in mind for NATO, and we must do everything to ensure that NATO survives and prospers. Some people’s recent activities concerning Georgia—I single out those of President Sarkozy last August—were nothing more than grandstanding.
As I have said, Ossetia and other areas in that part of the continent were affected by the Kosovo declaration of independence and the European Union’s reaction. Last February, a long time before the events took place, my hon. Friend the Member for Uxbridge (Mr. Randall) and I had spoken strongly about the matter and said that the subject should not be opened up because that would lead to other problems, including in Ossetia. Sure enough, it did. A strong policy that was well established in the 18th century is quieta non movere—let sleeping
dogs lie. There are enclaves all over Europe—many more than people realise—and a recent interesting programme, “Crossing Continents”, explained them. Kaliningrad is another. If the equilibrium is disturbed and a country with only 16,000 troops gets into conflict with the might of Russia, as Georgia did, the consequence is inevitable.
Mr. Wilshire: It may help the hon. Gentleman’s argument if he knows that in the past two days I have heard it said repeatedly that what happened in Kosovo made it inevitable that there would be fighting.
Mr. Cash: I am very glad to have that endorsement because, last February, we were lone voices, although there were one or two others, including that of the hon. Member for Thurrock (Andrew Mackinlay). It is important to understand that.
On international law, I was gravely concerned by the statements made by our United Nations representative. Since then the matter has been referred to the International Court of Justice. There are many reasons why, in the light of what my hon. Friend has just said, it would have been far better for us not to be precipitate in adopting our position. I am much more uncertain about it and, having followed the situation, watched programmes, and read about it, the more uncertain I become. We must be careful.
On gas and energy supply, for many years I have been writing about the problems that I anticipate with Russia as North sea oil comes to an end. Although, as the Minister said, supplies from Russia are running at 2 per cent. at the moment, we all know that, even allowing for our arrangements with Norway, it will be necessary to draw on other gas supplies. They may come from the middle east, Qatar, or liquefied natural gas, but the bottom line is that Russia is a big player for the future, so it is important that we are realistic about our use of resources. I am very keen that we should be involved in responsible coal-fired carbon capture and nuclear development to ensure that we are not entirely dependent on Russia for gas into the indefinite future.
We must work on the basis of a proper dialogue with Russia. I am a little concerned about the line that my party’s Front-Bench spokesmen have taken, but I have made my position clear. All I would say is that, in the circumstances, the best thing that I can do in response to the fact that my hon. Friend the Member for Rayleigh (Mr. Francois) has been promoted to the shadow Front Bench—
8.34 pm
Caroline Flint: Our debate has been short but helpful. We have heard Back-Bench speeches from my hon. Friend the Member for Linlithgow and East Falkirk (Michael Connarty), my right hon. Friend the Member for Walsall, South (Mr. George) and my hon. Friend the Member for Ilford, South (Mike Gapes), and Opposition Back-Bench speeches from the hon. Members for Spelthorne (Mr. Wilshire) and for Stone (Mr. Cash).
It is important that the European Union is clear about what we want from our relationship with Russia and that we pursue it vigorously. It is also important that we recognise the valuable contribution that we can make to global challenges by working more closely with Russia. However, for that relationship to work, we
need an open and honest dialogue with Russia, speaking up in defence of our interests and concerns when we disagree.
Such an approach enables the EU and the UK to achieve our international and domestic objectives, increasing security and prosperity for EU member states’ citizens, as well as those of Russia.
Several issues were raised during the debate and I shall try to address them in the short time I have in which to speak. The hon. Member for Rayleigh (Mr. Francois) asked about the refusal to sign the partnership and co-operation agreement if Russia has not withdrawn in the conflict with Georgia. The negotiations are continuing and, as I said, their pace and tone will be affected by Russia’s actions in Georgia, as well as other concerns. The Commission’s negotiating mandate requires it to take into account developments in Georgia during the negotiations. However, placing unilateral vetoes on any agreement at this stage could jeopardise important outcomes that we all support.
The murder of Alexander Litvinenko was mentioned. It was a chilling crime, which placed thousands of innocent residents and visitors at risk. The courts here have issued a warrant for the arrest of Andrei Lugovoy on a charge of murder, and that warrant remains valid. The Russian refusal to respond satisfactorily to our request for his extradition has not deflected us from the overall objective of seeing him brought to trial before the UK courts.
My hon. Friend the Member for Linlithgow and East Falkirk raised some concerns about the way in which I have responded to the European Scrutiny Committee and the service that the Foreign and Commonwealth provides. I believe that we have kept the Committee quite well informed, but I am always prepared to listen to what more it might want. We have tabled written ministerial statements, and written several explanatory memorandums and letters. We got some compliments from the Lords scrutiny Committee about how well we have done. However, I note my hon. Friend’s comments and welcome the Committee’s interest.
European security architecture has been mentioned. We have tried and tested structures for delivering and promoting security in Europe, including NATO, the EU and the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe. They can and do evolve to provide maximum security and stability. It is important that any new proposals about architecture—we have yet to see the details of President Medvedev’s proposals—build on existing structures and do not undermine them.
I thank the European Scrutiny Committee for raising the issue. The short debate has been interesting and wide ranging. I look forward to discussing EU-Russia and UK-Russia relationships further with hon. Members. We need the goal of a firm, rules-based relationship between the EU and Russia. That can only be in the best interests of UK, EU and Russian citizens.
The House divided: Ayes 325, Noes 152.
AYES
Abbott, Ms Diane
Ainger, Nick
Ainsworth, rh Mr. Bob
Alexander, rh Mr. Douglas
Allen, Mr. Graham
Anderson, Mr. David
Anderson, Janet
Armstrong, rh Hilary
Atkins, Charlotte
Austin, Mr. Ian
Austin, John
Bailey, Mr. Adrian
Baird, Vera
Baker, Norman
Balls, rh Ed
Banks, Gordon
Barlow, Ms Celia
Barrett, John
Barron, rh Mr. Kevin
Battle, rh John
Bayley, Hugh
Beckett, rh Margaret
Beith, rh Sir Alan
Benn, rh Hilary
Berry, Roger
Betts, Mr. Clive
Blackman, Liz
Blackman-Woods, Dr. Roberta
Blizzard, Mr. Bob
Bradshaw, Mr. Ben
Brennan, Kevin
Brooke, Annette
Brown, Lyn
Brown, rh Mr. Nicholas
Brown, Mr. Russell
Browne, Mr. Jeremy
Bryant, Chris
Burden, Richard
Burgon, Colin
Burnham, rh Andy
Burstow, Mr. Paul
Burt, Lorely
Butler, Ms Dawn
Byrne, rh Mr. Liam
Cairns, David
Campbell, Mr. Alan
Campbell, rh Sir Menzies
Campbell, Mr. Ronnie
Caton, Mr. Martin
Cawsey, Mr. Ian
Chapman, Ben
Clapham, Mr. Michael
Clark, Ms Katy
Clark, Paul
Clarke, rh Mr. Charles
Clelland, Mr. David
Clwyd, rh Ann
Coaker, Mr. Vernon
Coffey, Ann
Connarty, Michael
Cook, Frank
Cooper, rh Yvette
Corbyn, Jeremy
Cousins, Jim
Creagh, Mary
Cruddas, Jon
Cryer, Mrs. Ann
Cummings, John
Cunningham, Mr. Jim
Cunningham, Tony
Curtis-Thomas, Mrs. Claire
Davey, Mr. Edward
David, Mr. Wayne
Davidson, Mr. Ian
Davies, Mr. Dai
Davies, Mr. Quentin
Dean, Mrs. Janet
Devine, Mr. Jim
Dismore, Mr. Andrew
Dobbin, Jim
Donohoe, Mr. Brian H.
Doran, Mr. Frank
Dowd, Jim
Drew, Mr. David
Eagle, Angela
Eagle, Maria
Ellman, Mrs. Louise
Engel, Natascha
Ennis, Jeff
Etherington, Bill
Farrelly, Paul
Farron, Tim
Field, rh Mr. Frank
Fisher, Mark
Fitzpatrick, Jim
Flello, Mr. Robert
Flint, rh Caroline
Flynn, Paul
Follett, Barbara
Foster, Mr. Don
Foster, Mr. Michael (Worcester)
Francis, Dr. Hywel
Gapes, Mike
Gardiner, Barry
George, Andrew
George, rh Mr. Bruce
Gerrard, Mr. Neil
Gibson, Dr. Ian
Gidley, Sandra
Gilroy, Linda
Goggins, Paul
Goldsworthy, Julia
Goodman, Helen
Griffith, Nia
Grogan, Mr. John
Gwynne, Andrew
Hain, rh Mr. Peter
Hall, Mr. Mike
Hamilton, Mr. David
Hamilton, Mr. Fabian
Hancock, Mr. Mike
Hanson, rh Mr. David
Harman, rh Ms Harriet
Harris, Dr. Evan
Harris, Mr. Tom
Harvey, Nick
Havard, Mr. Dai
Healey, rh John
Heath, Mr. David
Hemming, John
Hepburn, Mr. Stephen
Heppell, Mr. John
Hesford, Stephen
Hewitt, rh Ms Patricia
Heyes, David
Hill, rh Keith
Hodgson, Mrs. Sharon
Hoey, Kate
Holmes, Paul
Hoon, rh Mr. Geoffrey
Hope, Phil
Hopkins, Kelvin
Horwood, Martin
Howarth, David
Howarth, rh Mr. George
Howells, Dr. Kim
Hoyle, Mr. Lindsay
Hughes, rh Beverley
Huhne, Chris
Humble, Mrs. Joan
Hunter, Mark
Iddon, Dr. Brian
Illsley, Mr. Eric
Irranca-Davies, Huw
James, Mrs. Siân C.
Jenkins, Mr. Brian
Johnson, rh Alan
Jones, Helen
Jones, Mr. Kevan
Jones, Lynne
Jones, Mr. Martyn
Jowell, rh Tessa
Joyce, Mr. Eric
Kaufman, rh Sir Gerald
Keeble, Ms Sally
Keeley, Barbara
Keen, Alan
Keen, Ann
Kelly, rh Ruth
Kemp, Mr. Fraser
Kennedy, rh Jane
Khan, Mr. Sadiq
Kidney, Mr. David
Kilfoyle, Mr. Peter
Knight, rh Jim
Kumar, Dr. Ashok
Ladyman, Dr. Stephen
Laxton, Mr. Bob
Leech, Mr. John
Lepper, David
Levitt, Tom
Lewis, Mr. Ivan
Linton, Martin
Lloyd, Tony
Love, Mr. Andrew
Lucas, Ian
Mackinlay, Andrew
MacShane, rh Mr. Denis
Mactaggart, Fiona
Malik, Mr. Shahid
Mallaber, Judy
Mann, John
Marris, Rob
McAvoy, rh Mr. Thomas
McCafferty, Chris
McCarthy, Kerry
McCarthy-Fry, Sarah
McCartney, rh Mr. Ian
McDonagh, Siobhain
McFadden, rh Mr. Pat
McFall, rh John
McGovern, Mr. Jim
McGrady, Mr. Eddie
McGuire, rh Mrs. Anne
McIsaac, Shona
McKechin, Ann
McKenna, Rosemary
Meacher, rh Mr. Michael
Meale, Mr. Alan
Merron, Gillian
Michael, rh Alun
Milburn, rh Mr. Alan
Miliband, rh David
Miliband, rh Edward
Miller, Andrew
Mitchell, Mr. Austin
Moffat, Anne
Moffatt, Laura
Mole, Chris
Moon, Mrs. Madeleine
Moore, Mr. Michael
Moran, Margaret
Morgan, Julie
Morley, rh Mr. Elliot
Mudie, Mr. George
Mullin, Mr. Chris
Munn, Meg
Murphy, Mr. Denis
Murphy, rh Mr. Jim
Murphy, rh Mr. Paul
Naysmith, Dr. Doug
Norris, Dan
O'Brien, Mr. Mike
O'Hara, Mr. Edward
Oaten, Mr. Mark
Olner, Mr. Bill
Öpik, Lembit
Osborne, Sandra
Owen, Albert
Pearson, Ian
Plaskitt, Mr. James
Pope, Mr. Greg
Prentice, Bridget
Prescott, rh Mr. John
Primarolo, rh Dawn
Prosser, Gwyn
Pugh, Dr. John
Purchase, Mr. Ken
Purnell, rh James
Raynsford, rh Mr. Nick
Reed, Mr. Jamie
Reid, Mr. Alan
Reid, rh John
Rennie, Willie
Riordan, Mrs. Linda
Robertson, John
Robinson, Mr. Geoffrey
Rogerson, Dan
Rowen, Paul
Roy, Mr. Frank
Roy, Lindsay
Ruane, Chris
Ruddock, Joan
Russell, Bob
Russell, Christine
Ryan, rh Joan
Salter, Martin
Sanders, Mr. Adrian
Seabeck, Alison
Shaw, Jonathan
Sheridan, Jim
Simon, Mr. Siôn
Simpson, Alan
Skinner, Mr. Dennis
Slaughter, Mr. Andy
Smith, rh Mr. Andrew
Smith, Ms Angela C. (Sheffield, Hillsborough)
Smith, Angela E. (Basildon)
Smith, rh Jacqui
Smith, John
Soulsby, Sir Peter
Southworth, Helen
Spellar, rh Mr. John
Stewart, Ian
Stoate, Dr. Howard
Strang, rh Dr. Gavin
Straw, rh Mr. Jack
Stunell, Andrew
Sutcliffe, Mr. Gerry
Tami, Mark
Taylor, Ms Dari
Taylor, David
Taylor, Matthew
Thurso, John
Timms, rh Mr. Stephen
Tipping, Paddy
Todd, Mr. Mark
Touhig, rh Mr. Don
Trickett, Jon
Truswell, Mr. Paul
Turner, Mr. Neil
Vis, Dr. Rudi
Waltho, Lynda
Watts, Mr. Dave
Webb, Steve
Whitehead, Dr. Alan
Wicks, rh Malcolm
Williams, rh Mr. Alan
Williams, Mrs. Betty
Williams, Mark
Williams, Mr. Roger
Willott, Jenny
Wills, rh Mr. Michael
Wilson, Phil
Winnick, Mr. David
Winterton, rh Ms Rosie
Wood, Mike
Woodward, rh Mr. Shaun
Woolas, Mr. Phil
Wright, Mr. Anthony
Wright, David
Wright, Mr. Iain
Wright, Dr. Tony
Wyatt, Derek
Younger-Ross, Richard
Tellers for the Ayes:
Claire Ward and
Ms Diana R. Johnson
NOES
Afriyie, Adam
Amess, Mr. David
Ancram, rh Mr. Michael
Arbuthnot, rh Mr. James
Atkinson, Mr. Peter
Bacon, Mr. Richard
Baldry, Tony
Barker, Gregory
Baron, Mr. John
Bellingham, Mr. Henry
Benyon, Mr. Richard
Bercow, John
Blunt, Mr. Crispin
Bone, Mr. Peter
Boswell, Mr. Tim
Bottomley, Peter
Brady, Mr. Graham
Brazier, Mr. Julian
Brokenshire, James
Browning, Angela
Burns, Mr. Simon
Burt, Alistair
Butterfill, Sir John
Campbell, Mr. Gregory
Carswell, Mr. Douglas
Chope, Mr. Christopher
Clappison, Mr. James
Clark, Greg
Clarke, rh Mr. Kenneth
Clifton-Brown, Mr. Geoffrey
Cox, Mr. Geoffrey
Crabb, Mr. Stephen
Curry, rh Mr. David
Davies, Philip
Davis, rh David
Djanogly, Mr. Jonathan
Dorrell, rh Mr. Stephen
Dorries, Mrs. Nadine
Duncan, Alan
Dunne, Mr. Philip
Ellwood, Mr. Tobias
Evans, Mr. Nigel
Evennett, Mr. David
Fabricant, Michael
Field, Mr. Mark
Francois, Mr. Mark
Fraser, Christopher
Gale, Mr. Roger
Garnier, Mr. Edward
Gauke, Mr. David
Gibb, Mr. Nick
Gillan, Mrs. Cheryl
Goodman, Mr. Paul
Goodwill, Mr. Robert
Green, Damian
Greening, Justine
Greenway, Mr. John
Grieve, Mr. Dominic
Hammond, Mr. Philip
Hammond, Stephen
Hands, Mr. Greg
Harper, Mr. Mark
Heathcoat-Amory, rh Mr. David
Hendry, Charles
Hoban, Mr. Mark
Hollobone, Mr. Philip
Holloway, Mr. Adam
Hurd, Mr. Nick
Jack, rh Mr. Michael
Jackson, Mr. Stewart
Jenkin, Mr. Bernard
Jones, Mr. David
Kawczynski, Daniel
Key, Robert
Kirkbride, Miss Julie
Knight, rh Mr. Greg
Leigh, Mr. Edward
Letwin, rh Mr. Oliver
Lewis, Dr. Julian
Liddell-Grainger, Mr. Ian
Lidington, Mr. David
Lilley, rh Mr. Peter
Llwyd, Mr. Elfyn
Loughton, Tim
Luff, Peter
Mackay, rh Mr. Andrew
Maclean, rh David
Malins, Mr. Humfrey
Maples, Mr. John
Mason, John
McIntosh, Miss Anne
McLoughlin, rh Mr. Patrick
Mercer, Patrick
Miller, Mrs. Maria
Milton, Anne
Mitchell, Mr. Andrew
Moss, Mr. Malcolm
Murrison, Dr. Andrew
Newmark, Mr. Brooks
O'Brien, Mr. Stephen
Osborne, Mr. George
Ottaway, Richard
Paice, Mr. James
Paterson, Mr. Owen
Pelling, Mr. Andrew
Penning, Mike
Prisk, Mr. Mark
Pritchard, Mark
Randall, Mr. John
Redwood, rh Mr. John
Robathan, Mr. Andrew
Robertson, Angus
Robertson, Hugh
Robertson, Mr. Laurence
Rosindell, Andrew
Ruffley, Mr. David
Scott, Mr. Lee
Selous, Andrew
Shapps, Grant
Simmonds, Mark
Simpson, Mr. Keith
Spelman, Mrs. Caroline
Spicer, Sir Michael
Spink, Bob
Spring, Mr. Richard
Stanley, rh Sir John
Steen, Mr. Anthony
Stuart, Mr. Graham
Swire, Mr. Hugo
Syms, Mr. Robert
Taylor, Mr. Ian
Taylor, Dr. Richard
Timpson, Mr. Edward
Turner, Mr. Andrew
Tyrie, Mr. Andrew
Vaizey, Mr. Edward
Vara, Mr. Shailesh
Villiers, Mrs. Theresa
Walker, Mr. Charles
Wallace, Mr. Ben
Walter, Mr. Robert
Waterson, Mr. Nigel
Watkinson, Angela
Weir, Mr. Mike
Widdecombe, rh Miss Ann
Wiggin, Bill
Williams, Hywel
Wilson, Mr. Rob
Winterton, Ann
Winterton, Sir Nicholas
Wishart, Pete
Young, rh Sir George
Tellers for the Noes:
James Duddridge and
Jeremy Wright
Question accordingly agreed to.
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