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Schedule 1

The Child Poverty Commission
Mr. Gauke: I beg to move amendment 9, in schedule 1, page 16, line 12, at end insert—
‘(1A) The appointment of the chair under sub-paragraph (1)(a) must be approved by a resolution of the House of Commons within three months of the appointment.
(1B) Before appointing a chair under subparagraph (1)(a), the Secretary of State must consult the Treasury, Work and Pensions, and Children, Schools and Families Committees of the House of Commons, or their successors.’.
The amendment was tabled before the recess, when little did I realise that the issue of consultation with Select Committees about appointments would become quite so topical. I am attempting to achieve two things with the amendment. First, I want to strengthen the position of Parliament with regard to the commission by enabling greater parliamentary scrutiny. The Government might look on that favourably, as the Prime Minister, in his first statement as Prime Minister on 4 July 2007, argued for greater parliamentary involvement in appointments. Indeed, he made similar remarks when still Chancellor of the Exchequer, for example on the “Andrew Marr Show” in January 2007.
Mr. Stuart: I welcome this effort to give some parliamentary oversight. My colleagues and I on the Children, Schools and Families Committee were dismayed that the Secretary of State for that Department dismissed the recommendation—or non-recommendation—of the Committee on the day that that advice was made public. In fact, if I am not mistaken, he released it to the press the day before. What confidence can we have that any real parliamentary say would stem from the amendment? Did my hon. Friend think of going further and insisting on one Select Committee having power of veto over the appointment?
6.15 pm
Mr. Gauke: As I said, the amendment was drafted and submitted before the summer recess and recent events. My hon. Friend brings some relevant experience to the matter. The drafting of the amendment could be improved, and perhaps would need to be strengthened. I had assumed that Parliament and the Executive would be able to work co-operatively on such matters. Perhaps I was being naïve, or perhaps the recent events have been exceptional and future Secretaries of State would not act in such a way—I do not know; I am speculating. The row over the appointment of the Children’s Commissioner at least highlighted the fact that Parliament wishes to have its voice heard on some of these major public appointments. Perhaps when creating new appointment procedures, we should bear in mind the need to involve Parliament. It is good that Parliament can be independent in these areas.
As I said, I have a slight reservation about the need for a separate body when developing policy, but if we are to have one, why not make it as strong and powerful as possible? Amendment 9 would be helpful in achieving that, as well as strengthening Parliament’s position in that area.
Mr. Stuart: It is a pleasure to speak under your chairmanship, Mr. Key, although given the number of interventions I have made, you might feel that I have already done so on a number of occasions.
I support the sentiments that lie behind the amendment. If we want the body to be independent, it is important that the chair should indeed face proper procedure and parliamentary oversight and approval before taking up the role. However, like my hon. Friend, I doubt whether it is appropriate in such a complex area of policy for democratically elected politicians, who are accountable to their electorate, to sub-contract policy making and the prioritisation of various measures that are required to tackle child poverty to a quasi-independent commission. The Government of the day should be responsible for getting the balance right between, for instance, the use of cash transfers to ensure that the targets are met in the short term, and ensuring that there are incentives to work and priorities for public expenditure in areas such as education, employment and skills.
I remain deeply cynical about the origins of the Bill. I cannot help feeling that it was brought about because the Government were embarrassed by the fact that they would be heading into a general election next year having failed to meet their child poverty target in 2010. So what better way of sucking in those issues when campaigning other than to do every last thing that they could to meet that target and talk about some grand Bill that would eradicate poverty in the long term? Given the discipline of my Front Bench and its focus on doing the right thing, we have always resisted temptation and the Government’s hope of an artificial division. What would better have suited a failing Labour Government than to have got the Conservatives to vote against a child poverty Bill? What an excellent dividing line that would have been from the Government’s political point of view, even if it did not serve the best interests of children who live in poverty?
Steve Webb: I enjoyed that supportive contribution. When I first read the amendment, I assumed that it had been tabled in the light of recent events. It is particularly prescient and I congratulate the hon. Member for South-West Hertfordshire on anticipating what was coming down the track and tabling the amendment, with which my hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh, West and I have a lot of sympathy.
In a sense, the hon. Member for Beverley and Holderness asked a perfectly reasonable question about the point of a child poverty commission. One of its principal points is to be an expert pain in the backside—I do not mean an expert at being a pain in the backside, but a group of experts who, because of their expertise, can be a pain in the backside by knowing what is going on, advising on the words to be used, and reporting on why things are happening, what is not working and what needs to be done. We might think that officials were supposed to do that, because part of the Bill is about ensuring that successive Governments do something about child poverty. However, while officials might say, “Minister, we are not doing enough about child poverty,” we would never know because such exchanges would be a private conversation. In a sense, the child poverty commission would turn such issues into a public conversation and allow us to listen in on it and perhaps stimulate greater effort. I therefore have slightly more support for the purpose of the child poverty commission than the hon. Gentleman.
Mr. Stuart: The Environmental Audit Committee has the Sustainable Development Commission report to it each year. The commission tells the Committee what progress has been made on central Government delivering on their emissions reduction targets—this was before the Committee on Climate Change came along. It reported in public, and a glossy, expensive brochure was produced year after year, yet even the Department responsible for the policy centrally saw an increase in the carbon footprint of its own central offices. I have no faith in the ability of such a commission to make a real difference, especially one that is poorly funded and with no research skills, like the one proposed.
Steve Webb: The analogy that the hon. Gentleman draws is interesting. I think that Jonathon Porritt has been the chair of the Sustainable Development Commission. Because of that title, when he said things to the media, it was reported as, “The Government’s adviser says”, not just, “A guy from the green group says”. I agree that there has not been enough progress and that the mechanism has not been as effective as it should have been.
Returning to the amendment, if we as parliamentarians can help to ensure that whoever is appointed to the role—who may or may not survive in post longer than the Secretary of State—is an expert and a pain in the backside, in a constructive sort of way, that would be a good thing. If that is the case, I shall lend my support to the amendment.
Helen Goodman: I welcome the fact that Members are so interested in the appointment of the chair of the child poverty commission. The Government’s view is that we should have an open and transparent process. I should like to begin by saying something about the way in which we intend the appointments to be made, and then move on to the issues that have been raised, particularly by the hon. Member for South-West Hertfordshire in amendment 9.
I assure hon. Members that the appointment of the chair, and indeed all appointments to the commission, will be made with the utmost care, in accordance with the principles set out in the code of practice for public appointments, which is published by the Office of the Commissioner for Public Appointments. The code is underpinned by seven principles derived from the work of the Nolan Committee on Standards in Public Life. They include openness and transparency, appointment on merit, independent scrutiny, ministerial responsibility and proportionality.
Mr. Gauke: Will the Minister give the Committee some idea of the time frame for appointments, assuming that all goes well with this Bill? When does she anticipate that the members of the committee will be appointed?
Helen Goodman: As the hon. Gentleman will be aware, the Secretary of State has an obligation to produce a strategy quite soon after Royal Assent. Obviously, it would be very helpful indeed if the commission was in place before the strategy was produced. One of the disadvantages of going down the path that the hon. Gentleman proposes is that it would be more difficult for us to hit all those target deadlines.
Mr. Gauke: As the Minister says, the Secretary of State must publish a strategy—I think that that has to be done within 12 months of the Bill being passed. I assume, therefore, that it will be published quite late in 2010. Is she prepared to give us an estimate of the month in which she would expect the appointments to be made? To put it another way, does she anticipate that the appointments will be made before early May next year?
Helen Goodman: I am sorry to disappoint the hon. Gentleman, but we have not got quite as far in the detailed planning as he imagines that we have, so I cannot answer that question.
Let me go back to the process that we are intending to use. We have full confidence that the process will ensure that all appointments to the commission are made fairly and in an open manner, and that candidates are selected on merit against criteria published at the start of the appointment process. Those criteria will be based on the provision in paragraph 1(4) of schedule 1 that requires the Secretary of State to aim for a commission that has knowledge and experience of child poverty policy and research, and work with families.
The entire process will be overseen by an independent person approved by the Office of the Commissioner for Public Appointments to ensure that it fully complies with its principles. That should avoid any suggestion that the chair and other members will be beholden to Ministers, political parties, stakeholders or special interest groups.
Hon. Members will have noted the principle that it is Ministers who should have final responsibility for making the appointments. That is right because it preserves the lines of accountability. The point about accountability is one of the key reasons why I will be urging the hon. Gentleman not to press his amendment. As it is the Secretary of State who will be accountable to the House for the child poverty strategy, it is appropriate that it is the Secretary of State who appoints the members of the body responsible for advising her on its content. If I might say so, I think that the hon. Member for Beverley and Holderness is being slightly inconsistent by arguing that there is no point in having a commission, because it will be a totally powerless body and, at one and the same time, that it is a body over which Parliament should have control. Those two propositions are not entirely consistent.
Mr. Stuart: My only point was to be helpful to those who appear to be in the majority who wish to set up such a commission. If such a commission is to be set up, the Minister is absolutely right to say that it is about accountability, and what better way for an independent advisory body to be accountable than to be accountable to Parliament, rather than to a Secretary of State?
6.30 pm
Helen Goodman: The point—I thought that we had established this in the debate on clause 7—is that the Secretary of State is responsible for hitting the targets. The Secretary of State is responsible for the strategy and for taking decisions, and is answerable to Parliament. She is therefore appointing independent advisers to facilitate the production of a strategy to enable her to fulfil her duties as effectively as possible.
Mr. Stuart: Will the Minister give way?
Helen Goodman: I am sorry, but I am not going to give way again at this juncture.
There is also the question of proportionality. There are many thousands of public appointments, and it is very rare indeed for the House to have powers of final approval. An example of the type of post where the House has a final say is on the appointment of people to the Electoral Commission. That is because they must be fully independent of Ministers and answerable only to Parliament. That is not the case with the poverty commission.
The amendment would also require the Secretary of State to consult the relevant Committees of the House before appointing the chair. As set out in the Government’s response to the Liaison Committee’s report on pre-appointment hearings, the Government believe that it would be impractical and disproportionate to subject all public appointments to pre-appointment scrutiny by Select Committees. Therefore, as stated in the 2008 White Paper, “Governance of Britain: Constitutional Renewal”, the Government believe that pre-appointment hearings should focus on posts in which Parliament and the public have a particularly strong interest. Examples include posts that play a key role in protecting the public interest or holding the Executive to account, as well as the post of those who are responsible for the appointments process itself.
I point out to hon. Members who raised the issue of the Children’s Commissioner that there is not a precise parallel. The remit of the Children’s Commissioner is to promote the interests of children, whereas the role of the child poverty commission is an advisory one. The Children’s Commissioner has statutory and other powers that the child poverty commission will not have.
 
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Prepared 28 October 2009