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Mr. Garnier: The point is quite simple: it may well be that a coroner has a power to continue with a reduced number of jurors once a jury has been assembled. There may be a statutory power that allows him to continue with five when he has sworn six, six when he has sworn seven and so on. While it was interesting to hear the Minister talk about that, it does not actually have anything to do with clause 8. We may have other opportunities to discuss her point, but talking about a coroner’s powers to carry on with fewer jurors than he has assembled is neither here nor there in relation to clause 8.
The Chairman: Order. The Minister has indicated that she intends to come back to the hon. and learned Gentleman. Knowing the imagination and ingenuity of Committees, I am sure that there will be other opportunities to debate the matter. I am beginning to feel a little perplexed myself. Perhaps the time has come to accept the Minister’s undertaking to come back on the subject, unless the Committee wishes to press it still further, and to move on.
Dr. Iddon: May I have clarification on the point that I raised a moment ago? I did not get a clear answer from the Minister.
Bridget Prentice: I am happy to come back to the Committee with clarification on both points. I say to the hon. and learned Member for Harborough that I was trying to respond to the opening remarks of the hon. Member for North-West Norfolk regarding why we chose the numbers that we chose.
6.15 pm
Jeremy Wright (Rugby and Kenilworth) (Con): I may have missed the point too, but we seem to have moved away from the key change here, which is to reduce the number of jurors that an inquest starts with from 11 to nine. In among all the other explanations that the Minister was trying to give, I did not get a clear answer as to why the Government think it necessary to reduce the starting number from 11 to nine.
Bridget Prentice: One of the reasons is to give more flexibility to the coroners, because sometimes there are difficulties in assembling juries for coroners’ inquests, so it was to give them that little bit more space. It was as simple as that. However, I am not going to go to the wall on the size of jury in a coroner’s inquest. If Conservative Members want to revert to the present system, I shall happily listen to the arguments.
Mr. Bellingham: We are grateful for the last suggestion. Obviously we shall not be voting against clause stand part, but we shall be returning to the issue, because it is important. The Minister has not answered my questions about costs. I am not convinced that post-R. v. Middleton it is sensible to move the numbers down, so we shall return to the issue at a later stage.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 8 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 9 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 10

Determinations and findings to be made
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Mr. Bellingham: Clause 10 is about determinations and findings. For what I am slightly concerned about, look at subsection (2), which says that determinations cannot allude to any criminal or civil liability. In fact, what clause 10(2) does is to enshrine in primary legislation rule 42 of the Coroners Rules 1984. Could the Minister confirm that I am right on that?
Has the Minister seen what Inquest said about clause 10(2)? When the words in subsection (2) were in the secondary legislation—the same words as in rule 42—it was held on a number of occasions that they could not defeat the purpose to ascertain how the deceased came by their death, which is contained in section 11 of the current Coroners Act 1988. Thus, an unlawful killing or a neglect verdict could be returned, both of which would, by definition, appear to determine a question of civil liability. As presently drafted, those verdicts could be prevented by clause 10, moreover there continues to be a debate in the courts about whether the wording of an article 2-compliant inquest can contain judgmental words, such as “serious” or “unreasonable”. I do not want to delay the Committee’s proceedings, because we have clause 11 to come to this evening—probably the most important clause in this part of the Bill—but could the Minister put my mind at rest, and the concerns of Inquest?
Bridget Prentice: I am not sure that I shall necessarily be capable of putting the mind of Inquest at rest, but I shall do my best as far as the hon. Gentleman is concerned.
As I have repeatedly said throughout the debates, coroners’ inquests are findings of fact—who the deceased was, how, where and when he or she died, and any particulars required to allow that death to be registered. In some circumstances, it might also cover the circumstances by which the deceased came by his death. The most important thing is that all those determinations have to be framed in such a way that they do not appear to determine the question of criminal liability on the part of a named person, or of civil liability. It is not the job of the coroner’s inquest to apportion blame or to decide matters of legal liability. That is for the criminal and civil courts. In order to ensure that the distinction between the functions of the different courts remains crystal clear, the outcomes of any coroner’s investigations have to be framed in the way in which they are in clause 10.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 10 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 11

Certified investigations: Investigation by judge, inquest without jury
Mr. Bellingham: I beg to move amendment 40, in clause 11, page 6, line 4, after ‘if’, insert
‘the matter has been referred to the Lord Chief Justice and he or she is’.
The Chairman: With this it will be convenient to discuss the following: amendment 42, in clause 11, page 6, line 6, leave out ‘any of the reasons’ and insert ‘the reason’.
Amendment 43, in clause 11, page 6, line 9, leave out ‘reasons are’ and insert ‘reason is’.
Amendment 41, in clause 11, page 6, leave out lines 12 to 16.
Clause stand part.
Amendment 63, in clause 12, page 7, line 3, leave out ‘Secretary of State’ and insert
‘High Court on application by the Secretary of State or by any interested person.
(1A) The court may discontinue a certificate if it is satisfied that the certificate is no longer necessary to prevent material or information being disclosed whose disclosure would be seriously detrimental to national security.’.
Amendment 64, in clause 12, page 7, line 6, leave out ‘11(3)(a)’ and insert ‘[Certified investigations](4)(b)’.
Amendment 65, in clause 12, page 7, line 9, leave out ‘11(3)’ and insert ‘[Certified investigations](4)(b)’.
Amendment 66, in clause 12, page 7, line 15, leave out from ‘must’ to end of line 17 and insert
‘continue with the inquest with the jury already summoned.’.
Amendment 67, in clause 13, page 7, leave out lines 22 to 31 and insert—
“(d) disclosure for the purposes of an inquest for which a certificate exists under section 11 of the Coroners and Justice Act 2009; or’.
Amendment 68, in clause 13, page 7, line 41, after ‘Court’, insert ‘or Coroner’.
Amendment 69, in clause 13, page 7, line 42, after ‘judge’, insert ‘or coroner’.
Amendment 125, in clause 34, page 19, leave out lines 10 to 12.
Amendment 110, in clause 38, page 23, line 28, leave out from ‘5’ to end of line 29.
Amendment 109, in schedule 9, page 139, line 3, leave out from beginning to end of line 6 on page 140.
New clause 10—Certified investigations
‘(1) The Secretary of State may apply to the High Court for a certificate ordering that an inquest be held in camera.
(2) The Secretary of State may only apply for a certificate if he is satisfied that it would be necessary to prevent material or information being disclosed whose disclosure would be seriously detrimental to national security.
(3) The court may only grant the certificate if it is satisfied—
(a) that granting the certificate is necessary to prevent material or information being disclosed whose disclosure would be seriously detrimental to national security; and
(b) that other measures short of granting a certificate would not be adequate to prevent such disclosure.
Mr. Bellingham: The clause is highly controversial. It has been the subject of a great deal of debate and a huge amount of opposition from a great number of organisations. The provision was contained in the Counter-Terrorism Bill, which is now the Counter-Terrorism Act 2008. At the time, we argued that it was a step too far. We said that it would destroy public confidence in the coronial system. We thought that the Government had listened to us because they withdrew the proposal from the Bill. We were very disappointed when we saw it come back in the form of clause 11.
What the Government are doing will undermine public confidence in the coronial system. The public expects openness and transparency and for inquests to be held in a totally non-confrontational environment. They also expect to be able to know exactly what is going on. The Minister has argued—and the Secretary of State argued on Second Reading—that there are some inquests in which the current safeguards to protect national security and the identity of key personnel, and to detect crime are not adequate.
The Secretary of State has also pointed out that two inquests have stalled because the safeguards and arrangements are inadequate. What the Secretary of State did not explain to the House on Second Reading was the details of those two inquests. As an aside, he merely pointed out that two inquests had ground to a halt. Is it really the case that those inquests ground to a halt because safeguards were not adequate, or was it because the Government want to put in place a system in which everything can be done very conveniently and easily through the certification process? Those inquests would then be completely private, presided over by a High Court judge.
Will the Minister elaborate as much as she possibly can on those two inquests and tell the House why present safeguards are not adequate? I put it to her on Second Reading that if she looked at the inquests of Jean Charles de Menezes and, the RAF Nimrod disaster, she would find that both covered highly delicate controversial material, and, it could be argued, that both dealt with issues of national security. One certainly dealt with the relationship between the UK and another country, and both dealt with many other highly sensitive matters. However, current safeguards were called into play. For example, public interest immunity certificates were issued, and the police and other agents of the Crown gave evidence behind a screen. The inquests could also be held in camera. I argue that those inquests show that the present safeguards work.
My concern is simple. If the clause is enacted, it will be easy for the Secretary of State to say that it would be convenient, and that it would be in our interests, to close down debate, do away with transparency, and have the inquest in secret from the word go rather than at some stage during the hearing. The Secretary of State told me that those two inquests would not have been affected by the proposed procedures. I do not accept that. Ministers are suggesting a huge increase in power for the Secretary of State.
I believe that the clause should not remain part of the Bill, as it will undermine public confidence in the system. The Minister’s arguments do not stack up. Bearing that in mind, we are very concerned. We want a system that has credibility and commands public support. We should consider the matter from the viewpoint of the families involved in the Nimrod disaster and the family of Jean Charles de Menezes. If the Secretary of State had used these powers—if they had been on the statute book—there would have been an outcry not only from the families; there would have been a major public outcry. The Secretary of State may save himself and other Ministers some potential embarrassment in a small number of inquests by using those powers, but it would undermine the entire coronial system. The system requires and demands public support.
Those are the reasons why we are not happy with clause 11. If the Government insist on it remaining in place, safeguards will be needed. That is why we tabled amendments 40 to 43. I shall consider those safeguards and what they entail.
In amendment 40, we suggest that rather than the Secretary of State certifying an investigation, he or she should refer the matter to the Lord Chief Justice. The Lord Chief Justice would then have to be of the opinion that an
“investigation will concern...a matter that should not be made public”.
We say that the power should not be in the hands of the Secretary of State; he could refer a matter to the Lord Chief Justice for him to make a decision. In that respect, amendment 40 is similar to some of the Liberal Democrat amendments.
If the clause remains part of the Bill, further safeguards will be needed. The reasons on offer in the Bill for matters not to be made public are widely framed. They are listed in subsection (2). Paragraph (a) states:
“in order to protect the interests of—
(i) national security,
(ii)the relationship between the United Kingdom and another country, or
(iii) preventing or detecting crime;
Paragraph (b) states:
“in order to protect the safety of a witness or other person”.
However, it is the last paragraph that really does it for me and for my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Harborough. Paragraph (c) states:
“ otherwise in order to prevent real harm to the public interest.”
That, surely, is a catch-all provision. My concern is that rather than two, three or four inquests a year being covered by the clause, if enacted, the number will escalate. It will be convenient for Ministers of whatever colour to exercise those powers in order to save them, their agents and Government officials the inconvenience of being involved in being transparent and open.
 
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