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David Howarth: Technically, one could multiply the two together, or divide one by the other, depending on how one wants to do it. However, the hon. Gentleman is right that that linking seems to put cost first and relative effectiveness second. The right hon. Member for Cardiff, South and Penarth has made that point in certain of his amendments, which would move the reference to “relative effectiveness” to the top of the list in clause 102. That was the whole point of some of the amendments.
The hon. and learned Member for Harborough referred several times to amendment 257. It could be argued that the amendment is not needed because it is implied already in the Bill and generally in practice, but it would be helpful to state that under the current system—this is what the right hon. Member for Cardiff, South and Penarth said—individual judges are not required to take into account the availability of prison places in individual cases. That is not at all intended; and it is very important to rule it out. Resource allocation questions should be built into the construction of the guidelines. After that, the application of the guidelines should be a matter of legal interpretation, not of getting judges to carry out economic assessments of the effects of particular sentences. That would be quite wrong, which is why, if the hon. and learned Gentleman presses his amendment 257, I shall support him.
Maria Eagle: I shall do my best to deal with this wide-ranging debate, which is now a stand part debate on the whole of part 4, chapter 1. I shall also deal with the amendments tabled by my right hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff, South and Penarth and those referred to by the hon. Member for Cambridge, which come slightly later.
The amendments raise a number of basic issues. First and foremost, I would like to make it clear that this part of the Bill establishes a new body—the sentencing council for England and Wales—and in doing so implements the recommendations of the working group chaired by Lord Justice Gage, on which my right hon. Friend the Member for Knowsley, North and Sefton, East sat. He provided us with a very useful run-through of the working group’s intentions, and I agree with his points, although I shall not repeat them because he set them out very well.
The intention is not to fetter the proper sentencing discretion exercised by the independent judiciary; nor is it to tie sentencing decisions to the wider issue of the availability of prison places or of any other type of sentence, despite the fears that have been raised by the hon. and learned Member for Harborough and others during the evidence-giving sessions. I want to make it very clear that that is not the Government’s intention. As I think that he accepted at the beginning of our remarks, ours is an evolutionary approach, as recommended by the working group. It builds on the good work of both the Sentencing Advisory Panel and the Sentencing Guidelines Council, which will have completed most of the major guidelines by the time that the new council starts work. Their work will be used as a foundation on which to develop a better understanding of sentencing practice, and will increase our ability to predict the impact of guidelines and inform the wider role of the new council.
The working group consulted widely on its recommendations, to which we are now giving effect, and there was strong support for an evolutionary approach, despite one or two of the revolutionary things that the hon. Member for Cambridge was edging his way towards in his remarks. We have not had a major falling out on that evolutionary approach. Nobody is in favour of the US-style sentencing grid, whether it is from South Carolina or Minnesota, and we all want to build on the good practice in respect of what is there, because we believe that guidelines help sentencers. It is intended that the sentencing council will enhance consistency, make sentencing more open, ensure that the public understand and have confidence in sentencing, and generally be an improvement on the current arrangements. However, there will be a requirement on the council to prepare guidelines on the reduction of a sentence for a guilty plea on the application of the totality principle, which is necessary for the council to meet its duty to monitor the operation of guidelines under clause 110.
It has been suggested that what we are trying to do is unduly prescriptive: that clause 102 causes resources to be taken into account, that clause 103 has too rigid a sense of an arrangement for setting out the format of guidelines, and that clause 107, with its duty to follow guidelines, completes the coup d'Ã(c)tat of the destruction of the independence of sentencers. I am exaggerating only slightly some of the concerns that have been expressed. That is not the intention. When it draws up guidelines, the council must have regard to current sentencing practice, to the needs to promote consistency in sentencing and public confidence in the criminal justice system, to the cost of different sentences, to their effectiveness in reducing reoffending and to the council’s monitoring of the application of its guidelines.
My right hon. Friend the Member for Knowsley, North and Sefton, East set out how little information was available to the working group when it started its work, so we can all see the sense of the monitoring that we are trying to get the new sentencing council to do. Apart from the monitoring, all the other arrangements are already there. There is not a requirement on the council to have regard to resources when drawing up or revising guidelines. As well as my saying that, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Justice has made that clear on Second Reading. We do not resile from that.
Let me deal with the question of whether the format of the guidelines is too prescriptive, and other matters to do with clause 103. The clause provides that where a sentencing guideline relates to a particular offence, such as robbery, it must divide the offence into levels of seriousness based on the offender’s culpability and on the harm caused. That clause sets out the format of offence-specific guidelines. It does so because clause 107, about which some concern has also been expressed, places a duty on a sentencer to follow the guidelines. So clause 107 makes it clear that a sentencer must indicate how he has followed the guidelines by reference to the ranges. Courts need to know that they have to follow the guideline range for the seriousness of the offence before them. That is necessary to meet the principle of promoting consistency and predictability, which was highlighted in the Gage report.
The format also reflects the way in which the offence-specific guidelines are currently framed by the Sentencing Guidelines Council, so there will not be an enormous departure from the practice in respect of the current arrangements. All the current offence-specific guidelines issued by the SGC already comply with the format set out in clause 103. However, because concern has been expressed about these matters, and because we have a record in this Committee of listening to concerns expressed by all Committee members, we are willing to look at clause 103 to ensure that there is sufficient flexibility in circumstances where this format might not be practicable. I give that undertaking to the Committee and hope that that might allay some of the concerns that have been expressed.
Concern was expressed about clause 107 and the duty to follow guidelines. Of course, that is a central provision of this part of the Bill, which sets out that the court must, in sentencing an offender, follow any relevant guidelines unless it is satisfied that it would be contrary to the interests of justice to do so. That provision attempts to give effect to the Gage report recommendation to enhance the current departure from guidelines test from a duty to have regard to guidelines to a duty to follow guidelines, unless it is in the interests of justice not to do so. However, again, the Government are willing to consider any amendments that might improve that clause or allay the concerns that have been expressed.
We certainly thought that having the ability to depart from guidelines in the interests of justice would guarantee judicial discretion in individual cases. We do not believe that the clause limits discretion, but we are willing to go away and think about this, and if members of the Committee, or others, want to suggest something that they think would be better, we will consider it.
5.15 pm
Mr. Garnier: That is extremely helpful, but we heard from magistrates in the evidence session, and I know from my conversations with judges, that they are concerned about the way in which clause 107 is phrased. Are the Government looking for further amendments to those that we have tabled, or will they, of their own initiative, be tabling revisions to clause 107?
Maria Eagle: We will be looking to come up with better formulations, but we are perfectly willing to listen to and meet anyone who has any ideas. Indeed, the Under-Secretary of State for Justice, my hon. Friend the Member for Lewisham, East, and I met magistrates before the Bill progressed to this stage, and I think that they left her room rather more reassured than when they entered it. None the less, we are willing to continue considering how best to ensure a balance between consistency and judicial discretion, because that is the prize that we all seek. We do not want to end up just with what we have, because it can be improved, and we are not trying to fetter discretion on sentencing in individual cases. Nor are we trying to do more than was set out in the report of the Gage working group, which we seek to implement. I am not going to argue that we have got it all completely correct.
Mr. George Howarth: My hon. Friend is being very thoughtful in her response, but does she agree that, regardless of any amendments that she might consider making at a later stage, the phrase
“contrary to the interests of justice”
in clause 107(1) gives quite wide discretion?
Maria Eagle: Yes, it does give wide discretion, but there is clearly some concern about that wording and concern that the clause’s overall impact, in connection with the perceived impact of other clauses, will be to fetter discretion too much, but that is not our intention.
David Howarth: For those of us who think that the effective prevention of reoffending is the crucial issue, another concern is that the wording “the interests of justice” does not seem apt to cover what we are worried about. We could have a phrase about it being “in the interests of society” instead. The Minister is right to reconsider that wording.
Maria Eagle: I think that the wording “the interests of justice” will cover an awful lot of territory in a courtroom setting.
Let me close my general remarks on the stand part debate by making it clear that the new duties on the council to assess impact are not intended to mean that it has to take account of resources in drafting or revising its guidelines. This is about the council providing additional information that can be used by Government to plan for the demand on prison places, community orders and new justice services.
Jeremy Wright: The Minister has said twice now that there is nothing in the Bill to suggest that the sentencing council should take resources into account, but surely, clause 102(11)(d) must mean that when the council is setting sentencing guidelines for the judiciary to follow, unless it is in the interests of justice for it not to do so, it must consider the “cost of different sentences”. Surely, we cannot divorce that concept from the concept of having regard to resources.
Maria Eagle: There is nothing wrong with having an understanding of the cost of different sentences, but that does not imply that we should start setting guidelines that use only the cheaper sentences, which is obviously what the concern is. It is not the intention of the Government to try to fetter the work of the council in that way.
Alun Michael: I read that as saying that the sentencing council should look at cost and effectiveness and balance the two. That is not unreasonable at that stage of consideration. My problem is that the effectiveness of sentencing only comes in as a balancing factor with cost, rather than being the prime thing about which the council needs to be concerned.
Maria Eagle: Yes, and the point that my right hon. Friend makes brings me neatly to dealing with—the hon. Member for Cambridge is now going to throw me off.
David Howarth: I hope not. The way I read paragraph (d)—in fact, the whole of clause 11—is that the relative costs and effectiveness of different disposals are relevant. What the sentencing council is not taking into account is the budget—the estimate—for the Ministry of Justice. It does not take into account the total. It just takes into account the relative effectiveness and costs of different kinds of sentence, which seems eminently reasonable.
Maria Eagle: I agree with the hon. Gentleman, after all of that. I now regret being unpleasant to him earlier.
I would like to move on to the points that my right hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff, South and Penarth made about his amendments. It seems some time ago that he moved them. Briefly, there are, in effect, two groups within the amendments, which, as he said, are designed to give greater prominence to the role of reducing reoffending in the creation of sentencing guidelines. The first set, which includes amendments 150 to 153, deals with the role of reducing reoffending in the creation of guidelines, and the second set, which includes amendments 158 and 160 to 162, aims to make experience of reducing reoffending a significant factor in the recruitment of members of the council. That is just to remind members of the Committee what he said.
Amendment 150 would add a statutory purpose for the sentencing council to issue guidance to sentencers and would place a requirement on it to have particular regard to the effectiveness of sentences. It suggests that the primary role of the council should be to issue sentencing guidelines, but that is not its only purpose, of course. It has other purposes, and all its functions are important. I have some concern about the impact of trying to specify in statute that one is more important than another.
Amendment 151 would put the need to have regard to the effectiveness of reducing reoffending at the head of the list of factors that the council must have regard to when drawing up the guidelines, but there is no order of precedence in the factors at present. It must have regard to all of them. I think that it could create an imbalance and confusion if we start saying that it must think of one as more important than another. That is another worry that I have about the formulations used by my right hon. Friend. To say that there must be specific regard to one of the factors when other factors need to be considered might cause confusion and unduly downgrade some of the factors that have to be thought about. We do not want to do that.
That is not to say that we do not accept and understand my right hon. Friend’s point about the importance of having an understanding of what reduces reoffending injected into the system, as he and the hon. Member for Cambridge have both explained. Section 142 of the Criminal Justice Act 2003 requires a court that is dealing with an offender to have regard to the reform and rehabilitation of offenders, as well as to punishment, crime reduction, public protection and reparation. There is a general requirement on all sentencers to have regard to such matters, and we need to build on that, rather than skew the way in which the new sentencing council is to work.
Amendment 153 requires the council to have specific regard to the effectiveness of reducing reoffending and to indicate the evidence on which it relied in producing its guidance. However, if evidence is not available or if its relevance to sentencing for a particular offence under consideration is dubious, it could prevent the council from issuing guidelines, which we would not necessarily want to do.
Although we want the council to have regard to evidence-based information that is available and relevant in order to inform its guidelines—including comparative research materials from other jurisdictions, for example—we do not see it as the council’s role to commission its own research into the effectiveness of different sentencing outcomes, because that simply is not one of its functions. That is the responsibility of the Government, and it is not something that we were planning on transferring to the council under the Bill. The Government are committed to reducing reoffending, and their responsibility for building up a knowledge base on what works for reduced reoffending remains and will be implemented under our own research programmes.
The amendments on the composition of the council would probably introduce more confusion that we would like. I understand my right hon. Friend’s thinking behind them, in that he is trying to make sure that the personnel doing the job have sufficient knowledge of what works and what can be done to reduce reoffending. However, having independent members appointed by the Prime Minister or members approved by resolution of the House, and overturning what is currently a planned judicial majority, would give us cause for concern.
Twenty members might be a little unwieldy. The current Sentencing Guidelines Council has 12 members; the Sentencing Advisory Panel has 15 and the current plan under the Bill is that the new council should have a judicial majority, albeit small. My right hon. Friend’s amendment would make the majority non-judicial and would increase the number of members of the council. It is important to have the benefit of non-judicial members, but it is also important to have the confidence of the judiciary in the sentencing council. On that basis, we have decided that, albeit small, there should be a majority of sentencers on the council. That is the best way in which to retain the confidence of sentencers while enabling the proper reflection of the wider views of the public.
 
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