Equality Bill


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John Mason rose—
Mr. Harper: rose
Dr. Harris: I will give way in a moment, if I may, to the hon. Gentleman who asked the original question. I want to ask him whether he understands the point that I am making.
Employers want to be able to discriminate on the basis of religion, not on the basis of sexual orientation, where they have less scope, for reasons that we will come on to discuss. The person may not fulfil the religious criteria that they are laying down, because their lifestyle may be incompatible with religious orthodoxy. May I ask the hon. Gentleman if he understands the point that I am making?
Mr. Harper: I thank the hon. Gentleman for that explanation. I am clear about the point that he made and, now that he has made it more clearly, I can see that I do not agree with it. The example that he chose was a particularly poor one. As a Roman Catholic, I should declare an interest, but I do not think his point was well made. I do not know of any mainstream religion that actually discriminates, or says that someone cannot be a believer in that religion because of one of the protected characteristics. There is nothing in Catholic teaching that says someone cannot be a Roman Catholic if they are gay.
On the hon. Gentleman’s particular point about employment, which we will come on to later, the teaching does say that if, for example, someone wants to be employed in a particular role within that Church, their behaviour—what they do, not what they are—has to meet certain standards. Those are two very different things. That is why I was having trouble following the meaning of his amendment 215, which talks about someone having protected characteristics and not being able to be part of a religion, rather than carrying out certain behaviours, which do not necessarily follow from that protected characteristic.
Dr. Harris: First, I am pleased that the hon. Gentleman understands my point. I accept that one can make the differentiation. I just seek to make it clear that a test on conduct has to be argued on that basis and not on the basis of religious criteria. The point I am making is that we will see exceptions, based on sexual orientation or conduct issues, that are entirely separate and, in respect of discrimination allowed in employment by religious organisations on the basis of sexual orientation, far narrower than those allowed on the basis of religion or belief.
I could go into where that is in the schedules but the hon. Gentleman should take it from me that there is more scope—there are fewer qualifying conditions to be met—in order for an employment exemption to be made on the basis of religion than sexual orientation. I think one can understand why, and I am not opposing those per se. It is important that the religious criteria, which can be used in more cases, are not used as a proxy for discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, or sexual practice, which is closely linked to sexual orientation.
John Mason: I rise to follow on from the point made by the hon. Member for Forest of Dean. I wonder whether the hon. Member for Oxford, West and Abingdon would accept that, for most religions, including Christianity, Islam and Judaism, sexual behaviour is dealt with within the religion. There are certain standards that are expected. The religion also goes into people’s attitudes, but the main point is that sexual behaviour is dealt with and is a concern to the major religions.
Dr. Harris: Indeed. I do not think that we can change the fact that it is a concern. However, we are talking about the law of the land, and I am clear that what I want to be confirmed is that, if people want to discriminate against others in a post or in a religion, on the grounds of sexual orientation, they need to do so on the basis of the framework set out in the schedules for sexual orientation and not seek to do it on the basis of religion—I will go into why that is in a moment.
12 noon
The issue that the hon. Gentleman has just raised underlines the point that many religious people hold the view that one cannot, in some orthodoxies, for example, be a Muslim if one is gay or is having gay sex. I am not seeking to castigate them for doing that—they are entitled to their view—but we have to make sure that people do not suffer in employment and other areas from the pursuance of that view. That should not be provided for.
Mr. Boswell: Can the hon. Gentleman clarify, to me at least, whether he is prepared to consider that sexual behaviour, as opposed to sexual orientation, could, in certain circumstances, be a legitimate interest for religion? If he is saying that the religious hierarchies are unable to make judgments, on the basis of their moral view, about what is, or is not permitted by way of behaviour, as opposed to orientation, we should know that that is his position, which I do not share.
Dr. Harris: I refer the hon. Gentleman to schedule 9, if I may, because it is important to understand what exemptions exist. I am not arguing against them. I am arguing that the exemptions should be used in the right way, dealing with the right thing. Paragraph 2 of schedule 9, on page 181 of volume II of the Bill, is headed, “Religious requirements relating to sex, marriage etc., sexual orientation.” In sub-paragraphs (1) to (8)— sub-paragraph (8) has been mentioned previously— paragraph 2 sets out the basis upon which sexual orientation can be used as a basis for discriminating in employment and it is a good example. One can see that that is limited—an issue that we dealt with in Committee—by sub-paragraph (8), which states that employment, where allowed,
“is for the purposes of an organised religion only if the employment wholly or mainly involves—
(a) leading or assisting in the observation of liturgical or ritualistic practices of the religion, or
(b) promoting or explaining the doctrine of the religion (whether to followers of the religion or to others).”
My view is that the Government are right to put in statute the narrow definition of that exemption that is allowed for in the original directive and stems from the Amicus judgment. The Government won that in a positive way for the people making the claim because the view was that the provision in the original employment discrimination regulations in 2003 had to be interpreted narrowly.
I draw the attention of the hon. Member for Daventry to paragraph 3 over the page, where there is a separate exemption headed, “Other requirements relating to religion or belief.” It is a short paragraph, where there is not that restriction on what can be done. Therefore, an organisation with an ethos can put down “ an occupational requirement” which is
“a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim”
or similar wording, as that itself is subject to amendment. Paragraph 3, sub-paragraph (c) states that
“the person to whom A applies the requirement does not meet it (or A has reasonable grounds for not being satisfied that the person meets it).”
That is broader. My point is that, if someone wants to discriminate against a person on the grounds of sexual orientation, they need to fit within paragraph 2, rather than paragraph 3.
The reason that I raise that concern is that in evidence to us—both oral and written—the Catholic Bishops Conference states, for example, in written evidence E14 that it wants to be able
“to exclude from a Parish position dealing with young people a candidate who had”—
and it goes on to describe something to do with behaviour. A parish position goes wider than someone dealing just with liturgy, as set out in sub-paragraph (8). The Catholic Bishops Conference is saying that it wants more room for manoeuvre. It gave the example of someone
“who had divorced their spouse, civilly re-married and created two broken families within the same Parish community.”
We do not necessarily need to go into that example, although that is a rather subjective way of looking at someone’s circumstances. However, in its oral evidence, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference says that it might wish to exclude from employment someone who is having sex outside marriage. My point is that it should not be able to do that on the grounds of the religious exemption.
John Mason: Does the hon. Gentleman accept that it would be strange if, for example, a youth worker for a religious organisation such as a Church were teaching that organisation’s teachings to young people, but living a life that was the opposite of what they were teaching? Surely, the way in which they were teaching would lose credibility.
Dr. Harris: For obvious reasons, I do not want to go too far into the wording of the schedule, but that is dealt with in sub-paragraph (8), which says that if the employment
“wholly or mainly involves...promoting or explaining the doctrine of the religion (whether to followers of the religion or to others”
the person is entitled not simply to apply an indirect condition saying, “Don’t have gay sex,” but to discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation, where it is otherwise justified. Sub-paragraph (8) is what should be relied on. The hon. Gentleman’s example could fit that, and that is what the organisation should use. However, one could not apply that to any youth worker doing anything, because that would not necessarily “wholly or mainly” involve
“promoting or explaining the doctrine of the religion”.
Youth workers employed, for example, by the Catholics do a great a job. It will come as no surprise when I say that that is not simply because they promote or explain the doctrine of their religion, but because of the important wider work that they do, which is pastoral and not necessarily religious—indeed, many of their clientele will not be religious at all, but will appreciate their intervention.
Mr. Boswell: I am prepared to concede that there might be cases in which I have some sympathy for what the hon. Gentleman is arguing. Nevertheless, will he at least consider the possibility that if conduct that is scandalous or an affront to the teachings of the religion becomes public knowledge, that is likely to make it difficult for a youth worker or somebody else in a pastoral position to discharge their responsibilities, even if those are not within the rubric of wholly, mainly or primarily
“promoting or explaining the doctrine of the religion”?
Something that is clearly contrary to what is taught is, by itself, offensive and may be subversive of the organisation’s teaching.
Dr. Harris: The hon. Gentleman puts his finger on the nub of the whole question of sexual orientation discrimination in the Bill as regards religious organisations.
Mr. Boswell: The hon. Gentleman says that this is the nub, but he also used the words “sexual orientation”. Much of the concern of the organised Churches and others relates to sexual practice, rather than orientation. I just wanted correct him.
Dr. Harris: It is important that I deal briefly with this question now because it comes up in the definition of sexual orientation in another group of amendments, and I do not want to queer the pitch, if hon. Members will excuse the expression.
At paragraph 29 of the Amicus judgment, the judge, the honourable Mr. Justice Richards, said:
“Part of the background to the wording of regulation 7(3),”
which was at stake,
“and one of the matters that will need to be considered in examining the challenge to that provision, is a distinction drawn between sexual orientation and sexual behaviour”—
he italicised the words “orientation” and “behaviour”. He continues:
“As regards the protection conferred by the Convention, however, I do not consider there to be any material difference between them. Sexual orientation and its manifestation in sexual behaviour are both inextricably connected with a person’s private life and identity.”
That is the subject of a later amendment, but it needs to be understood that I, and more importantly case law, do not recognise that distinction in discrimination law, as opposed to people’s opinions. Whether the Government agree is critical, and we will deal with that when we debate another group of amendments.
John Mason: The hon. Gentleman is basically saying that sexual orientation and sexual practice are so closely linked that they cannot be separated in reality. Does he also accept that religious belief and religious practice are so closely linked that they too cannot be separated?
Dr. Harris: It is not what I think, but what judges who have interpreted employment regulations, the EU directive and the human rights convention think. I quoted a judge. Judges have recognised that sexual orientation and its manifestation—not any sexual conduct—are inextricably connected with a person’s private life and identity such that one cannot draw a distinction.
Case law may not show that judges have taken a similar view on religion. We could head down a series of paths had they done so. We will deal with that question separately.
Mr. Harper: The reason why I have tried to probe the hon. Gentleman on what amendment 215 meant is this: given the nub of his argument about the nature of discrimination and employment and that we are going to spend quite a lot of time talking about schedule 9, would it not be better to deal with the issue there, rather than trying to introduce a sweeping amendment about the definition of religion? I am not aware of any mainstream individual who is outwith a religion because of one of the protected characteristics, as opposed to their practice and conduct.
Dr. Harris: First, I concede the point that the amendment may not be the best drafted—I refer the hon. Gentleman to others on the amendment paper that were not selected. The debate may well be better placed or dealt with by a parliamentary agreement on the intention of the measure.
On the second point, I think that the hon. Gentleman has made a concession. He said that some people believe that sexual practice is a fundamental tenet of religion that has to be followed. My point was that convention law, and I believe our discrimination case law, make it clear that the manifestation of sexual orientation, whether heterosexual, homosexual or bisexual, is inextricably connected with sexual orientation. We are saying that in law, religious organisations are not entitled to justify religious discrimination to make a distinction between sexual orientation and sexual practice.
Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) (Lab): Although I accept that many organised religions do not accept homosexual sexual behaviour as being within their doctrine, it is contested, and many Christians do not agree with that position. The General Assembly of the Church of Scotland has recently voted to endorse a Church of Scotland minister who is currently living in a gay relationship and it is looking at the general issue. What would be the implication of a Church of Scotland decision to accept that position generally?
 
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