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Session 2008 - 09 Publications on the internet General Committee Debates Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Bill [Lords] |
The Committee consisted of the following Members:Mick Hillyard,
Committee Clerk attended
the Committee Public Bill CommitteeThursday 11 June 2009[Mr. Eric Illsley in the Chair](Afternoon) Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Bill [Lords]1
pm Sitting
Suspended. 1.11
pm On
resuming
Clause 25Establishment
and assistance of bodies representing tenants
etc Question
put, That the clause stand part of the
Bill. The
Committee divided: Ayes 9, Noes
4.
Division
No.
24] AYESNOESQuestion
accordingly agreed to.
Clause 25
ordered to stand part of the
Bill.
Clause 26Consultation
of bodies representing tenants
etc Question
put, That the clause stand part of the
Bill. The
Committee divided: Ayes 9, Noes
4.
Division
No.
25] AYESNOESQuestion
accordingly agreed to.
Clause 26
ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 27Local
freedoms Question
proposed, That the clause stand part of the
Bill. Mr.
Paul Goodman (Wycombe) (Con): The Committee will have
noted that, in relation to all the clauses bar one, the official
Opposition have adopted what might be called a scorched-earth policy
towards the Bill. At first glance, we were inclined to take the same
view of the next two clauses. However, I have to confess that we have
looked at them again. They were introduced by Lord Graham in the upper
House and the Department allowed them a lot of leeway. Clause 27, in
particular, was welcomed by our noble Friend Lord Hanningfield. We have
no objection to the
clauses. Mr.
David Curry (Skipton and Ripon) (Con): I shall make one
important point. We are now dealing with references to freewomen and
freemen. Should the term not simply be a freeperson,
given the prevailing wisdom that now we have a chair, not a chairman,
and we talk about persons, not men and women? Should the term not be
a freeperson, or perhaps just a
free? 1.15
pm Julia
Goldsworthy (Falmouth and Camborne) (LD): It is a pleasure
to serve under your leadershipchairmanship, not leadership,
Mr. Illsley, unless something more bizarre is going on.
Bearing in mind what has already happened in Committee today, I would
not be at all surprised if you had plans for world
domination.
I shall make
some general comments about freedoms of cities and towns. It is
fantastic to recognise the hard work of citizens in such a way. It is a
valuable honour to bestow. But once again, why is it necessary to set
it down in primary legislation? I hope that the Minister will be able
to clarify that matter. I understand the problemsome charters
laying down how freemen and freewomen of a city or town are elected
have become out of date and make it difficult to appoint
womenbut I am not entirely sure why that needs to be taken in
hand in primary
legislation. I
understand that such laws need to be more easily amendable, but why not
free up the organisations on the ground to allow them to use their
discretion? Some of the provisions are eminently sensible. The
recognition of civil partners and spouses and the admission of women
are welcome, but I am not entirely sure why the Bill needs to deal with
whether we call them freemen or women.
As my hon.
Friend the Member for North Cornwall pointed out to me, some of the
qualifying resolutions require a majority of the existing freemen or
women to elect the people whose names will be added. I wonder, as those
people are often getting a little bit old, whether they might run out
of numbers. I am slightly worried that, if the requirement is for
freemen to nominate someone else to be given the freedom, there might
not be enough of them around to make that decision. I wonder whether
that issue needs to be addressed. It is an example of where we need to
give more flexibility on the ground, rather than specifying things
rigidly in primary legislation. However, everyone welcomes the
principle that the clause is trying to
achieve.
The
Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Communities and Local
Government (Sarah McCarthy-Fry): It is a pleasure to serve
under your chairmanship this afternoon, Mr. Illsley. I am
glad that there is a broad welcome from both Opposition parties to the
principles behind the clause. As the hon. Member for Wycombe pointed
out, it was fully welcomed in the other
place. On
the question of primary legislation, it is true that at least one guild
has been able to amend the rights of admission to include women, but
much depends on how the rights of admission were establishedif
in a charter, on what the charter says. Although some guilds have found
sufficient flexibility in their rules to enable them to admit women or
make other amendments to their admissions practices, others have not
been able to do so because the charters or other sources of law from
which their rules derive have no simple process for amendment. The
clause will make that easier and provide a framework to make changes in
the future. That is why it should appear in primary
legislation.
Julia
Goldsworthy: I understand that point, but looking back to
the broader thrust of the Bill, which the Government claim is trying to
engage people in democracy, could we not have much broader terms that
would allow some kind of public ballot or petition to prompt the
granting of the freedom of a city to individuals, rather than a
narrowly defined group of people? Would this not be an opportunity to
throw open the whole issue to more public engagement, rather than just
introducing some narrow changes that, while making improvements to make
it easier for women to be admitted, for example, do not address the
bigger
issue?
Sarah
McCarthy-Fry: This is enabling legislation, not compulsory
legislation. We are making it easier for guilds to broaden their scope,
and I want guilds to do that, so that we enable more people to take
part. I commend the clause to the Committee.
Question
put and agreed to.
Clause
27 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause
28 ordered to stand part of the
Bill.
Clause 29Politically
restricted
posts Question
proposed, That the clause stand part of the
Bill. Mr.
Stewart Jackson (Peterborough) (Con): It has been a long
day. This clause was the subject of some debate in another place,
particularly by Liberal Democrat peers. Those of us who were local
borough and district councillors or were involved in local government
in the 1980s and 1990s understand the background. The Widdecombe report
of 1986 correctly led to the decision to exclude certain officers based
on salary from serving in a representative capacity on other local
authorities under the Local Government and Housing Act 1989.
The Opposition
believe that the clause is incongruous. It is clear from the debate in
another place that there was no rationale for watering down the
Widdecombe proposals. The Minister may refer to the Councillors
Commissions decisions on political restrictions, but the clause
begins the process of undermining what eventually had a political
consensus when it was established. That
legislation defended the integrity and professionalism of officers and
reassured elected councillors that the advice that they received from
paid officers was both impartial and not the result of their political
allegiance. The clause, however, begins to undermine that by seeking to
disregard the responsibility and duty of the local authority to keep a
register of those affected by the 1989
Act.
On that basis,
perhaps the Minister will explain the rationale for including the
clause in this part of the Bill. It seems to be a case of
micro-managing the affairs of local authorities who are perfectly
capable of interpreting correctly the prevailing legislation. Can the
Minister reassure us that this is not the beginning of the end of
ensuring that political partiality does not creep back into the
system?
Julia
Goldsworthy: Conservative Members think that the clause
will water down the Widdecombe rules, and I share some of their
concerns that it does appear to be a partial process: it will remove
the salary restrictions but will not seek to put anything else in its
place. Simply imposing an arbitrary wage level may not make sense,
because some posts with lower wages may be politically sensitive and
other posts that are above the threshold may not need to be politically
restrictive. I would like greater freedom for local authorities to
determine such things and to ensure that declarations of interest can
be registered for all employees using a clear system.
Speaking as
someone who was employed by a local council, I think that just because
someone is unable to be politically active does not necessarily mean
that their decisions are therefore impartial. Someone may not be able
to declare their views publicly, but that does not mean that their
private views might not cause similar difficulties. In this case, the
Government have a much bigger story to tell. They are nibbling away at
one aspect of it without necessarily giving people confidence that
there is a process further down the line that will keep partiality out
of key areas of government, as it rightly needs to
be.
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