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Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Bill [Lords]

Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Bill [Lords]



The Committee consisted of the following Members:

Chairmen: Mr. Eric Illsley, † Mr. David Amess
Cooper, Rosie (West Lancashire) (Lab)
Curry, Mr. David (Skipton and Ripon) (Con)
Dunne, Mr. Philip (Ludlow) (Con)
Efford, Clive (Eltham) (Lab)
Gardiner, Barry (Brent, North) (Lab)
Goldsworthy, Julia (Falmouth and Camborne) (LD)
Goodman, Mr. Paul (Wycombe) (Con)
Heppell, Mr. John (Nottingham, East) (Lab)
Jackson, Mr. Stewart (Peterborough) (Con)
Lilley, Mr. Peter (Hitchin and Harpenden) (Con)
McCarthy-Fry, Sarah (Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury) (Lab/Co-op)
Raynsford, Mr. Nick (Greenwich and Woolwich) (Lab)
Rogerson, Dan (North Cornwall) (LD)
Stewart, Ian (Eccles) (Lab)
Watts, Mr. Dave (Lord Commissioner of Her Majesty's Treasury)
Winterton, Ms Rosie (Minister for Regional Economic Development and Co-ordination)
Mick Hillyard, Committee Clerk
† attended the Committee

Public Bill Committee

Thursday 18 June 2009

(Morning)

[Mr. David Amess in the Chair]

Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Bill [Lords]

Clause 85

EPBs and their areas
9 am
Question (16 June) again proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
The Chairman: Good morning, on this wonderful summer day. If hon. Members want to remove their jackets to feel comfortable, they may do so.
Mr. David Curry (Skipton and Ripon) (Con): I am delighted that we have all arrived in good order, at the right time and in the right place. Some of our constituents would no doubt find that a signal achievement.
We are now coming to provisions in the Bill that are, on the whole, helpful and sensible. The measures envisaged are not compulsory for local authorities, and their design is significantly left to those authorities, so we are moving away from the very prescriptive elements of the Bill. I am more comfortable with that. We should, however, recognise how complex the landscape that we are designing is.
If people were to take advantage of the opportunities presented by everything in the Bill, the landscape of power and authority in the regions would have the regional strategy at the top. Then there would be the two key elements—the leaders’ board and the regional development agency; a constellation of subsidiary, advisory so-called stakeholder bodies serving those; and the multi-area agreements, with or without statutory powers, or with or without attitude, as one might put it. Local area agreements would persist as well. There would be the economic prosperity boards, which might well incorporate transport bodies; there would be the Leeds and Manchester pilots, which might eventually lead to a more coherent form of city region; and underneath there would be the local authorities. Leaving London aside, those include the unitaries, the metropolitans, the districts and the counties, so they are quite a constellation. When I look at that landscape, it isn’t half complicated.
That gives rise to two issues. The first, and perhaps the minor one, is that I suspect what is happening is a bit of a recipe for the empowerment of officers. Many councillors would find it difficult to find their way through, and that would put a huge amount of power in the hands of the officers who will be riding shotgun on the new system.
A lot of the clauses refer to the tutelage of the Secretary of State. That is inevitable and inescapable, for two reasons: first, because local government still functions significantly on money that is voted by the taxpayer at national level—the grants to local authorities are still a significant part of their funding; and secondly because local government bodies carry out statutory duties, and, indeed, some of the proposals will enhance those. Therefore it is inescapable that the Secretary of State should be the ultimate accounting power in relation to delivery by those statutory bodies. I hope that we shall not get too hung up on that, because I venture to doubt whether, if a future Government—perhaps of a different complexion from the present one—were to put forward measures in this context, the relevant part of the architecture would be significantly different.
I am sorry if I have been giving a sort of Second Reading speech, but, as we are about to discuss economic prosperity boards, I think they must be seen in the context of the extraordinarily complex and, in a sense, quite confusing structures that are likely to be created. We must ask ourselves who will manage them and how, at the end of the day, Joe or Jane Citizen will relate to them.
The Minister for Regional Economic Development and Co-ordination (Ms Rosie Winterton): I welcome you back to the Chair, Mr. Amess. As most of the speakers have indicated, the economic prosperity boards address some of the points raised earlier in the debate. The right hon. Member for Skipton and Ripon talked about local authorities’ ability to have a sub-regional economic structure, and the economic prosperity boards provide for that approach.
I want to stress two things. First, the EPBs and combined authorities will be completely voluntary for all councils. We believe that they should be formed only where there is a serious commitment to joint working at the sub-regional level. There has to be that commitment or they will not be particularly effective.
Mr. Curry: There is just one point of detail that I would like clarified. I read carefully the policy document on the options for sub-regional co-operation, which is pretty clear. The only area about which I had some doubt was that although the local authorities concerned have got to apply to join, non-unitary district councils do not have to subscribe, and I got the impression that they could be dragooned in. They may be party to the application, but something could go ahead even without the application of the simplest of district councils.
Ms Winterton: I suspect that that provision was actually amended in the Lords, and that the original thinking was that if a county council covered an area, that would do. However, in the Lords it was pointed out that there could be a problem with that, so an amendment was made to deal with it.
Mr. Curry: I merely observe that when their lordships come from local government, by and large they come almost exclusively from the upper tier.
Ms Winterton: Obviously, on this occasion they have been addressing the problems of the unitary district councils. The Bill sets out that no local authority will be able to be part of the scheme for the establishment of an EPB unless it is involved in the preparation of the scheme for the new body, or consents to being part of it. Also, the Secretary of State will have to consult every authority that will be part of the EPB before it can be set up.
The EPBs are extremely important bodies. I am glad to see there has been an element of consensus about the fact that they can play a valuable part in the sub-regional structure, and I hope the Committee will agree to the clause standing part of the Bill.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 85 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 86

Constitution
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
Mr. Paul Goodman (Wycombe) (Con): It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mr. Amess. It has been useful to have a brief Second Reading-type excursion from my right hon. Friend the Member for Skipton and Ripon this morning. In a less elevated vein, before we rose on Tuesday evening, I attempted to take the same kind of tour in relation to the confusion of the architecture that we now see gradually revealed in the Bill. I shall not attempt to repeat the Second Reading observations on the clause, but I want to send a signal to the Minister about most of the remainder of the clauses in this part of the Bill. As I observed on Tuesday, they give considerable powers to the Secretary of State.
For example, under the clause, the Secretary of State will be able to decide membership, voting powers, executive arrangements and so forth. I am fascinated by paragraph (f) of subsection (4), which refers to the
“disapplication of section 15 of the Local Government and Housing Act 1989 (c. 42) (duty to allocate seats to political groups)”.
That suggests either that the paragraph would disapply a duty to ensure political balance, or vice versa. I would be grateful if the Minister enlightened us on that point.
In summary, on most of the clauses—I shall have something more to say about one particular clause—we wish the Minister to persuade the Committee that the Secretary of State’s powers will be exercised responsibly and not in an onerous way. Who knows? The economic prosperity boards might in due course have the opportunity to take over more powers and become bottom-up bodies with real power and authority, rather than pieces of a confusing jigsaw, under what we hope is the forthcoming Conservative Government.
With that in mind, we tabled a series of amendments, which of course were unselectable, calling for Divisions on individual clauses. Whether EPBs will make a useful contribution and whether they will cut across the work of regional bodies remains to be seen, but we look forward to hearing more from the Minister about that as we move through this part of the Bill.
The hon. Member for Wycombe discussed subsection (4)(f). I must confess that I had not picked up on that point, and I am glad that he raised it as it is a serious one that deals with an established practice that is a strength of local government. Of course, my party would like a slightly different electoral system, such as the one that they now have in Scotland, to allow local authorities to reflect the popular vote even more closely. However, even with our present system, it is important that all political groups and all views have the option to be represented in bodies formed. I have concerns about leaders’ boards from that point of view also. We must be careful in considering the EPBs.
9.15 am
Ms Winterton: I will address the issue of the Secretary of State’s role first. The Opposition document “Control Shift”, as the hon. Member for Wycombe and the right hon. Member for Skipton and Ripon said, proposes a similar structure, and it also says that the Secretary of State would be able to grant it. There are important reasons for that, because it is about making sure that all local authorities have been properly involved in drawing up a scheme, that there is the ability to influence it and, therefore, that they have in a sense signed up for it—that the structure will work. That is why there is the ability to refer back to the Secretary of State, in a sense, for endorsement. It is also clear, as I said before, that we expect EPBs and combined authorities to be voluntary for local authorities. It is not about a local authority having to have one; it is about local authorities coming forward and saying, “We believe that this would be beneficial.”
On the point made about subsection (4)(f), political balance provisions that apply to local authorities will apply to EPBs; that is covered in schedule 6. However, those provisions do not apply to executives of local authorities, which are designed to be cabinet-type structures, so we have similarly provided for EPBs to operate with an executive that they choose. I hope that that is a helpful clarification and that the Committee will agree to the clause.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 86 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 87 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
 
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