Welfare Reform Bill


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Q 9John Howell: On that point about support, there has been an increase in the budget of one particular funding stream of Access to Work. Do you see that leading to it being spread more thinly across a larger number of people or leading to much higher individual use for larger adjustments?
Paul Davies: It is difficult to say. What I do know is that we have had a lot of success at delivering people into employment using Access to Work as a vehicle, but, as I said earlier, it has taken a lot of effort. It is inevitable that when you make the system easier for people, more will be empowered to use it and will take advantage of it. My view is, so much the better.
Q 10Mr. James Plaskitt (Warwick and Leamington) (Lab): I have questions for each of you. I will come to Liz first to give Paul a rest. In your evidence, you spoke about the importance of what you described as self-directed assessment, but you also spoke about the need for support for people to make those decisions. Especially in cases where we are talking about mental disability, there is a very difficult line to determine: at one extreme, someone can make all the decisions about their care and at the other extreme they cannot. There is a space in the middle where it can be done with support. Are you confident that the resources are there to give adequate support to make this work?
We are learning from the individual budgets that people are able to make a lot more choice and take a lot more control than would have been thought 10 or 20 years ago.
In terms of whether the support is there, it is really important that there are user-led organisations in every part of the country, as was laid out in the life chances report. There is, of course, a commitment to there being user-led organisations in each part of the country that can provide the kind of peer-led, user-led support that people find incredibly helpful. So, it is not only the professional, the case manager or whoever, advising and supporting somebody to create their own assessment and plan, but other people who have done it themselves.
Very often, people are initially limited in their imagination, but they then say, “Oh, you mean that rather than go to the day centre I could have driving lessons. Then I could go to visit my relative or I might be able to get a job in the next town.” It had not occurred to them that they could use the money for driving lessons, but once they have it, they are on a roll and things begin to develop.
So, I think that we are still on a path in terms of the implementation of the 2005 Act; we could do even better to ensure that people’s capacity is supported. Different parts of the country have different levels of the sort of peer-led support that I am talking about. That is a major priority, because some people clearly need advocacy and they need to be brought together so that collections of people can buy something. Some things that people want are not just individual. There are a couple of examples that I use, such as two people renting a warehouse together to set up a business.
Q 11Mr. Plaskitt: You are saying that there has to be a framework to support people who need support with making a choice.
Liz Sayce: Exactly.
Q 12Mr. Plaskitt: Are you satisfied that enough support is there so that when that new choice arrives it will be optimised by the people we want to aim it at?
Liz Sayce: At the moment, we are satisfied that that is taking place in some parts of the country, and to very high quality. We can see how it can work. But, it is not taking place in every part of the country, so we would like to see attention given in the Bill—I mentioned the analogy in relation to the health bill—to provision for the voluntary sector to make available that kind of support, including advocacy and brokerage, because without that the pace of change will not be what Paul and I have said it needs to be. We need to move on with this at a more rapid pace, and that needs advocacy and brokerage to be in place around the country.
Q 13Mr. Plaskitt: That is very helpful. Thank you. Paul, picking up exactly where you finished, in your evidence you raised a concern about the pace of progress that has taken place, and I think that you implied that there was a question about the pace going forward from here—whether it would come through quickly enough. Are you saying that you have encountered institutional inertia in bits of the system? Will that still be a problem as the Bill comes into effect? If you do think that, what can be learned and applied from the Oldham experience? Does something else need to be done in the Bill to help us overcome that problem, or is what is here sufficient?
Paul Davies: All the tools required to do all this are in place. All the knowledge and the experience required to make all this work are in place. As my colleague said, the fact that it is working in some parts of the country shows that it can be done; there is absolutely no reason why not.
The fact that that is not being done more widely is of huge concern: not only Oldham but all the other individual budget pilot sites were told very early on that some things would never work, by people who apparently knew that they would never work. Individual budgets would never work for people with mental health problems. They would never work for people with learning disability, or for people who misused substances, or for people with dementia. Frankly, that is rubbish—I choose my words with care—and experience shows that it is.
It seems to me that the centre—the Government—has invested a lot of time and effort in putting those mechanisms in place and working up the experience and the tools to make it all happen, and they are all available, but the direct answer to your question is yes, it seems to me that there is a lot of inertia in the system.
It falls into two parts. Quite honestly, some folks just do not get it, for want of a better description, and some say, “That’s all in the ‘Too difficult’ box and we can’t really do it.” Well, you can; any organisation can. I believe that there are the resources to provide the support out there, but at the moment they are doing other things.
If you look, for example, at productivity in adult social care, you will see that the Commission for Social Care Inspection went down at the same time as investment went up. There are reasons for that, and I feel—it is not just my own feeling—that a lot of that is tied up in the front end of services and in the nuts and bolts of making services work.
It seems to me that a simplified system of the sort I mentioned earlier would enable organisations to participate fully, taking full advantage of the tools that have been put in place to deliver a system that is quicker and slicker and more effective for people. Unusually for someone from a local authority, I am not sitting here saying that we need considerably more resources to be able to do that—not at all. I am saying that a bit more direction and a bit less permissiveness in the Bill would unlock all that.
People have had the option of direct payments since the 1990s, but across the country there are people who ask for a direct payment and are told that they will have to wait until the money becomes available the following year. I do not think that that is written anywhere in the legislation. There are issues about unlocking what has to be done.
Returning to a point that John Howell asked me about, in the original guidance on the community care legislation, some cracking good examples were given of what could be done in large rural areas. One that stuck in my mind was the suggestion that we could ask the landlord of the local pub to provide the meals for the elderly population of that rural area. That never really happened, and local authorities instead commissioned 200,000 frozen meals on wheels a year because we felt more comfortable with that.
If we are not using direction—instruction—and if we are not using good practice and the good work that is going on to guide and instruct practice, the pace will not be quick, and it has not been quick so far. It will remain at a relatively unsatisfactory level if those things are not in place. The system is a big system, as are all such systems, as far as the individual is concerned, and they are very difficult to organise. Unless there is a duty to co-operate and to deliver that single, wrap-around approach to the individual, the system will not work. If you do not do it that way, it will require people of good will and a critical mass within particular leadership organisations—the local authority or whatever it might be—to deliver it.
I also echo the point about user-led organisations. The Government have been fantastic at saying that they are trying to get away from the top-down approach and that they want people to be co-producers in this, but if we are to get the best out of that, we must ensure that there are in place not only statutory support mechanisms, but non-statutory mechanisms.
A responsibility to involve everyone who can help and support an individual needs to be included, and it needs to be our responsibility. There needs to be more than just a statement that we can do it or that we might do it if we feel like it.
Q 14Paul Rowen (Rochdale) (LD): I would like to move on to clause 8, which deals with the conditionality aspect for payments of jobseeker’s allowance and employment and support allowance. The Government have an ambitious target for getting people off incapacity benefit and back into work. What are the challenges and what support and training need to be put in place for Jobcentre Plus to be able to carry out some of the new powers that are in this Bill?
Liz Sayce: First, there are some issues with the graduated approach to conditionality and the use of the just cause for people not complying with particular aspects of what is expected under conditionality. We need to be absolutely sure that included in those just causes are things like inaccessible processes, transport difficulties that disabled people may face and issues that the parents of disabled children may face where perhaps it is much harder for them to find accessible child care facilities to enable them to take up their responsibilities in employment. There is a big training need there to ensure that people get treated fairly through this new system.
The final point is about getting skills. During a recession people want to keep their job if they possibly can or to get into work, and we applaud the intention not to take the foot off the pedal on welfare-to-work provisions. However the reality is that some people will be out of work. What better time for people to refresh and update their skills and to be ready for exactly the sort of jobs that will exist in the economy when we come out of the recession? At the moment, unfortunately, a third of people with no skills in this country and no qualifications at all are disabled people. Disabled people have been left behind by the skills revolution. That is an area of major importance and we need to make sure that the support services, the right to control, Access to Work and all these budget streams can be used by people who are seeking to develop their skills and their qualifications, as well as by those who are directly engaged in the labour market.
Q 15Mr. Peter Lilley (Hitchin and Harpenden) (Con): Mr. Davies, you mentioned that something like a fifth of the people with personal budgets in the country are in Oldham. Is it reasonable to suppose that you have probably pushed the process of moving towards personal budgets as far as is possible within the present legislative framework? If so, to what extent do you think the measures in the Bill and the programme of development that the Government have spelled out will enable you to carry it further or make it easier for other authorities to develop? Is there anything you would like to see in the Bill that would enable you and others to carry it further and faster?
Paul Davies: We are probably reaching the limits of the current legislation. In some cases we may have gone beyond those limits. There is something about the current system being stretched in terms of how one can manoeuvre within it. That is not to say that it is not, in some senses, quite permissive. The difficulty with a permissive system is that you can do it if you want to, or not, as the case may be, and I think that is what has caused some of the problems.
However, in direct answer to your question, I would like to see something that was more directive regarding organisations. For example, it is very difficult for somebody in Jobcentre Plus to understand—through no fault of their own—some of the difficulties associated with dealing with people who might have had chronic schizophrenia, or something similar, for some time. I think that a more directive duty to work closely with those agencies that understand all of that—and it is a duty to work together; it is not just a one-way street—would make a big difference. This is a many-hammers question, because every individual is a complex person with their own needs and requirements. Unless we can get all those agencies working together—I truly feel that that has got to be directed; I can see no other way around it—we will not achieve what we need to achieve.
I would like to expand on the point about conditionality. The Government’s social care reform has conditionality within it—it is outcome-focused, there is a contractual requirement and the local authority retains the right to say whether a particular arrangement will go forward if it is satisfied that that arrangement makes best use of public money and is safe, among other things. It is not rocket science to have a similar conditional arrangement around every other element of this. That conditionality is there elsewhere in other parts of the Government’s programme. I think that best practice should be shared, not only across local authorities but across central Government as well, and I think that would make a huge difference.
 
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