Welfare Reform Bill


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Q 111John Howell: There are culture change elements to your weddedness to the black box approach. Do you think there is enough acceptance of that being a black box approach, both amongst the DWP and the market as a whole, so that it is a pure black box? It has always struck me that you cannot have a half-black box in this. That position is probably the most comfortable for officials.
Professor Gregg: Yes. There is a desire for control and that will come from politicians and from senior officials in Jobcentre Plus or the DWP. It is hard for central Government to let go in that kind of black box way, so maybe they need a bit of re-education as well. That is the way to go. We have tried a few experiments with it and they have generally been positive. My view is that when JC Plus is given a new task with a new set of rules, it tends to do almost as well as an outside provider. It has some inside knowledge and it knows the game, whereas the other groups are probably going to innovate. They are going to learn and push, and a rules-based system crushes innovation. Although in the first instance they may be reasonably comparable, my argument is that the productivity—the learning—is much greater in a black box model than in a rules-based model. That is what we need to try to release.
Q 112John Mason: Earlier, you were discussing monetary and non-monetary interventions. That is interesting. I think a lot of people are open to conditionality, but they are asking, if there are financial sanctions and people are already on a fairly minimum income, what happens to those people and how can they live if their minimum income is taken away?
Professor Gregg: They are a vulnerable group.
Q 113John Mason: So, are you saying that you would not use monetary sanctions at all on a vulnerable group such as that?
Professor Gregg: My view is that for the JSA job-ready people, there should be monetary sanctions. For the rest—the progression to work group, which is the harder-to-help group—I am suggesting minor monetary sanctions as a short, sharp shock, a slap across the wrist. However, those should not be escalated into—as happens with the jobseeker’s allowance people—what might be considered very severe sanctions. In relation to jobseeker’s, you can get disallowal, disentitlement and severe monetary sanctions going on—four, six or multiple weeks of sanctions. I am saying, I do not think that that is the best approach for this group; can we look at doing it somewhat differently? By which I mean non-monetary sanctions.
You have a basic slap across the wrist—12 quid in the first instance—and you make sure that the person knows about it. However, when we are looking at real breakdown and the high-conflict end of the business, we do not go into heavy financial sanctions for the reason you are describing. We try to do it rather differently. To put it slightly differently, as someone else was saying, you do it more through hassle, bringing the person in and ensuring that they are there pretty much every day doing something, rather than using monetary penalties. That is for exactly the reasons you are describing.
Q 114John Mason: Okay. Even for the job-ready group, would there not be a knock-on effect on children, for example, and child poverty aims?
Professor Gregg: Yes, there are two points to make. For most people with children, their own benefits make up a relatively small proportion of the total income—housing benefit and tax credits and so on are the biggest ones. We really should be talking to people at the extreme end. What I tried to describe was a series of steps ranging initially from warning through to something more serious.
I am not against the idea of non-monetary sanctions for the JSA population. That is an eminently sensible idea, which we should try out. Because they are job-ready, the range of things that you could ask them to do could be much wider. In my head, I have the idea of community service where you have to go and look after old people’s gardens or whatever. Doing that for your dole money is, as far as I am concerned, a punishment. I am open to that idea and I would like to see that experimented with, but it is very novel so it needs to be done carefully and we need to know the implications. As a direction of travel, I would like to see us trying out non-monetary sanctions for both populations and learning a few lessons about whether they are effective in getting people to engage.
The Chairman: Are there any other colleagues who wish to put any questions to Professor Gregg?
Q 115Meg Munn: As we have time, I shall follow up the issues in relation to people with learning disabilities. For a long time I have been concerned about the tendency to find things for people to do that are not necessarily related to their capabilities or what they can do. I have seen some good examples in my own city of people doing voluntary work that could perhaps lead to paid employment. There is still a real need for a change of mindset, so that we see people as having some skills and capabilities, rather than just finding them something to do with their days. I should be interested to hear your views on that. Because there is such a lot of discussion about these issues, including sanctions and the like, often people who have not been in work and have not had any help to identify how they could do something, either in the paid sector or the voluntary sector, end up being extremely frightened of what might happen to them in this process. I should also like to hear your thoughts on how that can be dealt with.
Professor Gregg: To be totally honest, this started for me when thinking about adults with learning difficulties. I have a close personal friend who was one of the early developers doing the early work on the personal adviser advocacy role for adults with learning disabilities. Rather than each profession having a columnar relationship with the individual, you sit down with them and ask, “What do you want? How can we negotiate it?” Often, they want different things from those provided by the various agencies: they want to learn to drive, to live independently and to start the process of getting into work. They want diverse things. So you sit down with them and try to work out, as an advocate, in a sense, how to negotiate the package of support and so on, to try to get them where they want to go. That is very much at the heart of what I am talking about here. I see strong parallels between those models and bringing some of those ideas into welfare to work services for those with such large barriers. I regard those things as very much meshed.
Pushing slightly further, into an area that we have not discussed, perhaps because it is beyond the scope of the Bill, with hard-to-help people, lots of agencies will be dealing with any individual. A homeless person obviously has housing problems and is likely to have alcohol problems too, and some will have mental health problems. There can also be long-term disconnection from work and problems with basic skills. How do we start to make this a journey that deals with all the problems of the individual, rather than each agency working independently?
I am trying to open up a starting point in the debate. On welfare to work, let us talk a little bit more holistically about the individual’s needs and capabilities. I would like to conclude by saying that we are opening up how we can try to join that approach up with the other objectives so that, in a particular case, we have the retention, advancement and progression stuff coming after the first welfare to work stuff. So the Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills and DWP are trying to link up to say, “It’s not just welfare to work. It’s welfare to work and then we’ve got retention, advancement and progression on the table, funded, potentially, from different sources, but maybe with the same agency working through the process.”
I am not sure that I have answered your question. I have probably rambled off on to something completely different. But that area is next. That is why I say that this is the forward-looking bit. The bit that we need to crack next is how to get Government funding agencies to link this progression across the person’s journey, rather than have everybody dealing with a little bit of it.
Meg Munn: That does make sense.
The Chairman: Thank you very much indeed, Professor Gregg, for the time that you have spent with the Committee this afternoon and for your evidence. We are very grateful.
Ordered, That further consideration be now adjourned.—(Helen Jones.)
6.19 pm
Adjourned till Thursday 12 February at Nine o’clock.
 
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