4 Ensuring a sufficient supply of
good quality placements
The importance of placement supply
81. Placements often break down because of lack of
support. Others break down because they were not the appropriate
placement for that child in the first place, or because the child's
introduction to the placement was too abrupt and unsettling.[185]
The Government's target for placement stability has not been met.
At 31 March 2008, of children under 16 who had been looked after
for more than 2.5 years, 67% had been living in the same placement
for at least two years or were placed for adoption.[186]
Despite recent incremental improvement, this is some way short
of the target of 80% by 2008.[187]
The Children's Rights Director, Dr Roger Morgan, told us that,
"When we ask children about their key expectations and the
one thing that staff need to get right for them in care, the answer
is the right placement".[188]
Poor placement "matching" largely occurs because of
a lack of choice.[189]
82. The Government expressed a wish in the Care
Matters Green Paper (not explicitly repeated in the White
Paper) that all children in care be offered a choice of placements
by their local authority, and be given details about the placements
in advance.[190] This
situation is far from being a reality for most looked-after children.[191]
In 2006, only 52% of local authority fostering services and 60%
of independent fostering agencies were meeting the requirements
for placement matching as set out in the National Minimum Standards.[192]
Roger Morgan reported that about half of children in care express
concern that the matching of child to placement had not worked,
that they had only one placement option, and that there was no
back-up plan in place if it began not to work out.[193]
He described how children feel about the process of finding them
a placement:
They want to meet a number of possible foster
carers and not just have the social worker saying, 'We have found
foster parents for you'. They want to be able to do visits and
to have back-ups if the first introductions do not work out. It
might not be that the people are wrong or that they should be
disapproved, but the child might think, 'I do not feel totally
at ease in this family, can I have a look at a different one please?'[194]
83. Section 9 of the Children and Young Persons Act
2008 places a new general duty on local authorities to take steps
to ensure sufficient accommodation that is appropriate for the
needs of the children they look after within their local authority
area, unless that is inconsistent with a child's welfare. The
principal aim of this measure is to reduce the number of inappropriate
placements in accommodation outside the boundaries of the child's
local authority ("out-of-area" placements), which are
notably more difficult to support adequately.[195]
84. There are indications that it will be an extremely
tall order for local authorities to fulfil this new duty, so far
are we from the ideal situation at present. The proportion of
children placed in out-of-area foster care has increased over
the past five years.[196]
Local authorities are worried that it will be difficult to meet
the new requirements, especially if there is a very narrow interpretation
of their "local area".[197]
We heard from both foster carers and young people that placements
often appear to be made solely on the basis of wherever a bed
happens to be available, sometimes with little regard for the
most basic considerations of compatibility with either the carer
or other children in the same placement.[198]
Children report delays in being placed because of a shortage of
carers, which is particularly acute in some parts of the country
such as inner cities.[199]
Ofsted told us that while processes to secure sufficient placements
had improved in most areas, overall choice and quality in placements
were still matters of concern. They noted that placement choice
is particularly limited for children from minority ethnic groups,
those in sibling groups, and children with complex needs.[200]
85. The exercise of choice and the ability to make
good matches between children and placements require surplus and
flexibility in the system.[201]
Much more than one place per child is needed to achieve sufficiency.
Professor Ian Sinclair explained that because of the number of
factors on which social workers ideally try to matchethnicity,
age, the skills and location of the foster carer, number of children,
and so onit is "mathematically extraordinarily difficult
to have enough vacancies".[202]
86. Some of the changes in policy envisaged by Care
Matters will only become a reality for children after a substantial
increase in the selection of placements that are available at
any one time. Greater use of "shared care" arrangements,
which provide respite as a family support service, and arrangements
to allow young people to stay with their foster carer past the
age of 18, will place further demands on the supply of placements.[203]
Opportunities for children who come back into care after a period
at home to return to the same foster carers, or for young people
who take up university places to be able to live with their foster
carers during vacationsideas suggested to us by foster
carerswould depend on an ability to keep places open for
them.
87. The Care Matters Partnership worried that any
restriction on out-of-area placements would pressurise local authorities
into accepting lower standards for carers in their own area.[204]
Pauline Newman told us that Manchester City Council's efforts
to enforce higher standards among their foster carers led to a
reduction in the number of available places.[205]
The Children and Young Persons Act 2008 enables Ofsted to issue
compliance notices to residential care providers who are failing
to meet required standards; homes that do not take steps to remedy
identified failings may have their registration cancelled, and
the Chief Inspector can serve a notice preventing new admissions
to establishments if necessary.[206]
The emphasis on eradicating substandard practice is of course
welcome and necessary, but the fact that it is likely to further
contract the supply of placements cannot be ignored.
88. Improvements in stability, choice and matching,
and developments such as more post-18 fostering, depend on a much
greater supply of placements. We are already starting from an
inadequate base, and improving the quality of placements may in
the short term further reduce the supply. We recommend that
the Government assess at a national level the supply of placements
that will be needed to make the Care Matters reforms a
reality. The problem of how to ensure sufficient placements cannot
be solved merely by imposing a new duty on local authorities;
the Government must do more to enable them to meet it without
making any compromises on quality.
Foster care
89. A national shortage of foster carers is the most
obvious barrier to securing the necessary availability of placements.[207]
Foster care currently accounts for 71% of all placements, and
family placements continue to be the preferred option for the
large majority of looked-after children.[208]
The Fostering Network's most recent estimate put the shortfall
at 8,200 carers in England.[209]
Yet Care Matters has relatively little to say about recruitment
of foster carers, which is a task performed by local authorities
and independent fostering agencies themselves.[210]
What the White Paper does say about training and skills development
for carers is very welcome, but is unlikely in itself to effect
a step change in recruitment.
90. Although it should not be regarded as a panacea,
recruitment cannot be considered in isolation from the issue
of payment for the work of fostering. The majority of carers do
not go into foster care for financial reward, but the adequacy
of payments is for many the deciding factor in whether they can
afford to do it.[211]
There are two main types of payment to foster carers: allowances,
which are intended to cover the costs incurred in caring for a
child, and fees. In 2007 the Government introduced national minimum
allowance levels; the Fostering Network told us that compliance
has been "extremely patchy".[212]
Fee payments, meanwhile, vary dramatically between different local
authorities and other fostering agencies, with local authorities
being free to develop systems that they deem appropriate to local
needs and affordable within their budgets.[213]
91. A survey by the Fostering Network in 2007 showed
that, across the UK, 40% of foster carers do not receive any form
of fee payment. Some carers are paid at a level that enables them
to work full-time on fostering, while others are expected to do
so without receiving commensurate remuneration. Only 11% of foster
carers in England have full-time employment outside the home.[214]
The Fostering Network argued that the severe shortage of foster
carers can only be addressed by a fee payment system "equating
with comparable employment in the children's workforce".[215]
They pointed out that:
No other profession that works with children
is expected to do so altruistically, and no other professional
has the responsibility to look after a child who is not their
own for 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, 52 weeks a year with little
or no respite.'[216]
Modern fostering, furthermore, entails a wide range
of tasks and responsibilities beyond providing care to the child.[217]
Kevin Williams, Chief Executive of TACT,[218]
told us that a good level of remuneration is crucial to the ability
of independent fostering agencies to attract new entrants to foster
care, especially those with relevant experience from other areas
of children's services.[219]
92. Although Care Matters set out the Government's
intention to ask agencies to publish their payment schemes, the
Government has stated that it will not impose any standardisation
of fees across the country.[220]
Robert Tapsfield, Chief Executive of the Fostering Network, argued
that a degree of national standardisation in payments "would
help people who are considering becoming foster carers to make
sense of what is on offer and what they are being told. The picture
today is confusing."[221]
The Fostering Network suggested that 52-week payment schemes would
significantly aid recruitment and retention of carers; at present
some fostering agencies pay retainers to carers when they do not
have a child placed with them, but others do not.[222]
93. We consider it unrealistic to expect a step change
in foster care recruitment to take place without greater equity
in fee payments, based on an amount that will allow people to
dedicate themselves full-time to this important work when necessary.
While local circumstances and the many different types of foster
care will always require some variation, we cannot expect more
people to consider fostering as a potential career without greater
clarity about the financial terms that are on offer. We recommend
that a national framework for fee payments be developed, and that
it include stipulations about 52-week payments or retainers when
foster carers do not have placements. We are aware that children
and young people are firmly of the opinion that some carers are
motivated only by the financial reward available.[223]
However, we consider that we should be able to trust in the approvals
process to weed out such applicants; concern on this point should
not prevent adequate and equitable reward being made to those
who do this demanding work.
94. The Care Matters Green Paper set out proposals
for "a mandatory national registration scheme for foster
carers, putting them on a par with their colleagues in social
work, residential care and other parts of the children's workforce."[224]
However, despite the strong endorsement of a working group chaired
by Lord Laming, the White Paper did not contain this proposal.[225]
The Government rejected an amendment to the Children and Young
Persons Bill which sought to make this provision, saying that
it did not wish to impose on locally-recruited foster carers the
same sort of conditions imposed on social workers by national
registration.[226]
Witnesses told us that the status and profile of foster care would
be enhanced by a national registration scheme for carers.[227]
Registration of other sections of the children's workforce has
been seen by the Government as a strategy for improving standards
and giving reassurance to the public. Robert Tapsfield argued
that registration would "reinforce and emphasise the status
of foster care and the high regard in which we hold it and the
general public should hold it too."[228]
It would have the practical benefit of enabling carers to transfer
their accreditation between fostering services, rather than having
to go through another approval process.[229]
Registration could also be used to guarantee a standard of pre-registration
training, and to ensure that carers undertake regular training
as a condition of their registration.[230]
We recommend that the Government reconsider its opposition
to a national registration scheme for foster carers. We believe
that such a scheme would be a useful tool to improve quality and
take-up of training, and to cement the status of foster carers
in the teams of professionals caring for a child.
95. Robert Tapsfield drew our attention to the situation
of foster carers who have an allegation made against them, who,
unlike teachers or social workers in similar circumstances, often
face suspension with no fee or allowance until the case is resolved.
The Fostering Network reported that around a third of all carers
will face an allegation at some point in their fostering career,
the vast majority of which turn out to be unfounded.[231]
Despite government guidance that 80% of cases should be resolved
within one month, research by the Fostering Network in 2006 indicated
that half of investigations lasted three months, and 10% took
more than a year.[232]
Robert Tapsfield told us that, "In effect, we are asking
foster carers to put their lives, and the lives of their families,
on the line for these children and when an allegation happens,
we are often leaving them completely unsupported until the allegation
is resolved."[233]
We consider it unacceptable that foster carers are not afforded
the same considerations as other professionals in the children's
workforce when an allegation is made against them. We ask the
Government to stipulate that carers continue to receive fee and
allowance payments while an allegation against them is being investigated.
Residential care
96. Residential care accounts at present for only
14% of placements for looked-after children in England, the proportion
having steadily decreased from 40% in the mid-1970s.[234]
This is low by comparison with other European Union countries;
in Denmark and Germany over half of looked-after children are
in residential care, in the Netherlands just under half, and in
France just over a third.[235]
The long-standing policy preference in England for foster care
can be attributed to a number of factors: persistent problems
with the quality of residential care, instances of child abuse
in homes, the high cost of these placements, and the influence
of theories of attachment which favour foster care as being closer
to a 'normal' upbringing.[236]
All of these factors have resulted in residential care being largely
regarded as a placement of last resort for extremely challenging
young people who are difficult to place in foster homes, and who
have often experienced many breakdowns already.[237]
Residents consequently represent a particularly vulnerable and
disadvantaged minority within the care population.[238]
97. As the number of places in residential care has
contracted, there has been a decisive shift away from large institutions
towards smaller homes with high ratios of staff to young people.[239]
At the same time, different models of fostering (such as "multi-dimensional
treatment foster care")[240]
are being developed to cope with some of the most disturbed and
challenged young people, who would previously have been catered
for in children's homes.[241]
We welcome the Government's investment in programmes that aim
to improve the capacity of foster placements to benefit the most
challenging young people. We hope that this will allow residential
care to be considered on its merits rather than as a last resort
for children who have been especially difficult to place elsewhere.
98. The proportion of the care population in residential
care varies significantly between local authorities (from 4% to
28%), and councils adopt differing policies towards its place
in their care system.[242]
Steve Goodman, Hackney Council's Deputy Director of Children &
Young People's Services, told us, "My personal view is that
we should not have children in residential care. That should be
the last option".[243]
Director of Children's Services Marion Davis explained that Warwickshire
County Council decided to close all its own residential care over
20 years ago; over 90% of the county's looked-after children are
now in foster placements.[244]
On the other hand, as we saw on a visit to the county, Hampshire
County Council has preserved its significant in-house provision
and views it as a valuable component of their placement supply.
Pauline Newman told us that Manchester City Council has recently
opened six new, small children's homes because "it was necessary
not to put our eggs in one basket [
] My view is that you
need a range and choice of places and situations."[245]
99. While clearly endorsing foster care as the placement
of choice for the majority, the Care Matters White Paper
is nevertheless careful to support the use of residential care
when it meets the needs of a particular child, or in conjunction
with foster placements.[246]
Witnesses explained the importance of retaining the option of
residential care as the placement of choice for a small number
of children.[247] Young
people themselves have told us that some of them prefer the idea
of living in a residential home to foster care;[248]
this may be because if they cannot live with their own family,
they feel that they do not want another one, or because they are
weary of repeated placement breakdowns in foster care.[249]
Mike Stein, Research Professor at the Social Policy Research Unit,
University of York, told us that "there are some very good
examples of small children's homes with positive cultures and
a high degree of stability and structure where young people know
what they are doing and can leave care successfully".[250]
100. It was suggested to us that it is unhelpful
to think in terms of a dichotomy between family and residential
placements.[251] Kevin
Williams, Chief Executive of charity and fostering agency TACT,
explained:
There is the possibility of having children who
move from residential care into foster care, who have a relationship
with residential providers who continue to support them while
they are in foster care. I think too often in the care system
we move children from placement to placement and see the previous
placement as an end rather than a transition [
] they may
need to go back to residential care for periods, for support.[252]
We recommend that the Government commission research
on the flexible use of residential care as part of a planned package
of care, and that it consider the resource and structural implications
of enabling such uses.
THE RESIDENTIAL CARE WORKFORCE
101. We visited Copenhagen to investigate some aspects
of Denmark's child care system, including why such a high proportion
of its placements are in residential care in comparison to England.
Research shows that confidence in residential care in Denmark
appears to be well-founded; residents are considerably less likely
to be out of education or employment, and are by some margin at
less risk of teenage pregnancy or engagement in criminal activity
than their counterparts in England.[253]
There is also a marked difference in the reported quality of life
of children in institutions in Denmark; Petrie and others (2006)
conclude from a number of indicators that residents have more
opportunities to enjoy themselves, more involvement in decision-making,
and a "cosier", more "home-like" environment.[254]
They also tend to stay in one placement for longer.[255]
These comparisons are not straightforward; the considerably more
challenging nature of the residential care population in England
and the use of homes as a last resort lead us to expect poorer
outcomes and a more difficult experience for these young people.[256]
Pat Petrie, Professor of Education at the Thomas Coram Research
Unit, told us, however, that it is the characteristics of staff
rather than the characteristics of the residents that in fact
account for the greatest differences.[257]
102. Two aspects of the workforce were particularly
striking to us: firstly the level of qualifications, and secondly
the type of training. Almost all residential care staff in Denmarkand
indeed the majority of staff who work directly with children in
any settingare qualified as "social pedagogues"
through a three-and-a-half year degree-level course. Social pedagogy
has no direct professional equivalent in the UK, though it is
a common approach in France, Germany and elsewhere. It was described
to us as "education in its broadest sense"; the discipline
focuses on child development, group dynamics, creative play activities,
and the importance of building a relationship with a child.[258]
103. In England, the 2005 National Minimum Standards
for residential care specify that at least 80% of staff should
have a Level 3 NVQ in caring for children and young people, a
qualification that usually takes around 18 months to complete
and is substantially work-based. This standard, low though it
is, has proved difficult to meet; 36% of staff still have no qualification
at all.[259] The low
level of staff qualifications is a matter of huge concern, especially
given the extremely vulnerable nature of children in residential
care in England.[260]
In reference to the recommendations of Sir William Utting about
residential workers' qualifications made in 1991, David Crimmens
of the School of Health and Social Care at the University of Lincoln,
commented, "I do not understand why, after all that time,
we have not managed to educate to A-level standard people who
work with some of the most troubled and troublesome children in
our society."[261]
Jane Haywood, Chief Executive of the Children's Workforce Development
Council, told us that, without fully trained and skilled workers,
residential care is tantamount to "warehousing" children.[262]
Better training could improve workers' capacity to participate
in decision-making for individual children alongside social workers
and teachers, and their ability to prevent incidents escalating
to the stage of involving the police.[263]
We heard a measure of support for the suggestion that the Level
3 NVQ become a mandatory minimum for all residential workers,
perhaps enforced through registration with the General Social
Care Council.[264]
104. We recommend that the Government show its
commitment to addressing underperformance against the current
National Minimum Standards for staff qualifications by making
the Level 3 NVQ mandatory at the soonest practicable opportunity,
and by analysing the reasons for the persistent failure of the
sector to meet this standard. In the long term, a more coherent
and ambitious strategy for the residential care workforce must
be a priority, above and beyond the set of professional standards
promised by the 2020 Children's Workforce Strategy.
105. The distinctive social pedagogical approach
influences the ways in which staff in Denmark interact with children.
Staff in Denmark speak in terms of emotional support in scenarios
where staff in England will talk about procedures.[265]
David Crimmens told us that Danish pedagogues taking part in a
research project in England were "appalled by how manager-dependent
many of the residential workers were".[266]
Professor Pat Petrie described the confidence pedagogues have
in their own skills and authority; one consequence appears to
be a higher success rate in getting the children in their care
to attend school.[267]
The approach and skills base of staff in Danish homes underpins
their optimistic view of residential care; workers in Denmark
told us that they aimed to make residential settings places where
young people can see that they were helped to turn their lives
around and where they were able to have good experiences and new
opportunities.[268]
In contrast to the typically low status of residential work in
England, in Denmark residential care is seen as "a plum job".[269]
106. One aspect of practice which particularly struck
us during our visit to Copenhagen was the universal expectation
of frequent contact between children in residential care and their
birth families. In one home, for example, all the children's parents
were invited to dinner once a month. We are aware that this could
be a reflection of the less challenging circumstances of the average
resident in a Danish home compared to an English home. Nevertheless,
the continued importance of parents to children appeared to be
a fundamental tenet of care that staff felt a responsibility to
uphold. Social pedagogic training emphasises the importance of
working with the family as well as the child to a much greater
extent than is expected in English settings.[270]
107. David Crimmens suggested that social pedagogy
could supply "something that has been missing from residential
care for a long time: [
] a cohesive philosophy and understanding
of what we are trying to do when we look after other people's
children in a residential context."[271]
Professor Ian Sinclair concurred that residential care needs to
have "a clear value base" to be successful; in England
"the theory of residential care [
] has become very
individualistic, whereas the essence of residential care is that
it is a group experience and that is the important thing about
it."[272] Pedagogic
practice could even be extended to foster care and to family support
work.[273]
108. Care Matters contained a proposal to
trial social pedagogy in residential care settings in England.
We received enthusiastic endorsement of this proposal from local
government representatives.[274]
Jane Haywood, however, sounded a note of caution: a new approach
to children's care cannot simply be imported to the UK context.
The relationship of pedagogues to other roles in the care system
would need careful consideration.[275]
The social pedagogy pilot programme is very welcome. We urge
the Government to think broadly and creatively about the possible
future applications of the social pedagogy approach in the care
system rather than looking to import wholesale a separate new
profession.
109. Professor Sinclair told us that residential
care "has major potential and some way of unlocking it needs
to be found."[276]
We agree. Although convinced that foster care is the preferable
placement for the large majority of children in care, we are concerned
that the currently small capacity of the residential sector, and
the concentration of the most vulnerable young people within it,
risks making such care untenable and undesirable even for young
people for whom it may be in theory the best option. There is
undoubtedly good practice in the sector in England, and we have
seen in Denmark that it is not inevitable that residential care
produces poor outcomes. We have no reason or desire to cast any
doubt on the dedication and professionalism of the residential
workforce in England, but it is also abundantly clear that a higher
level of qualifications and a different way of thinking about
care could make residential care a more acceptable option for
the young people who would benefit from it most.
110. While the emphasis the English care system
places on family environments is right, the potential of the residential
sector to offer high quality, stable placements for a minority
of young people is too often dismissed. With enforcement of higher
standards, greater investment in skills, and a reconsideration
of the theoretical basis for residential care, we believe that
it could make a significant contribution to good quality placement
choice for young people.
Local authority commissioning
111. There is some concern that costs and commissioning
processes are preventing children having access to the widest
range of placements. Kevin Williams, Chief Executive of TACT,
claimed that young people are often placed 'in-house', that is
in a local authority's own provision, even when more suitable
provision may be available elsewhere; inappropriate placement
makes breakdown more likely.[277]
We heard from Kevin Williams and Robert Tapsfield of the Fostering
Network that local authority managers are unwilling to commission
from the independent sector because of costs and "ideological
reluctance".[278]
Kevin Williams told us he was concerned that commissioning is
dictated by price rather than outcomes or overall value, and that
this will eventually squeeze small, high-quality providers out
of the market.[279]
The New Economics Foundation argued that commissioning decisions
made on the basis of price disincentivise the development of niche
provision (largely private or voluntary sector) that is very effective
over the longer term, and may thus deprive some children of the
most effective type of placement for them.[280]
We seek reassurances that cost constraints are not compromising
children's access to the most appropriate placement for them,
and that children's views are given particular consideration when
'value for money' decisions are made about providers.
112. Robert Tapsfield argued that the ability to
make good placements matches is also hampered by the practice
of spot-purchasing, when placements are procured in an ad hoc
manner as the need arises, rather than through planned commissioning
of independent sector placements according to anticipated demand.[281]
We are concerned that spot purchasing of placements on a large
scale would indicate a failure of needs analysis and planned commissioning.
We recommend that the DCSF's Commissioning Support programme explicitly
addresses good practice in planning for the future needs of the
in care population.
185 Ev 4 [Barnardo's]; Q 44 [Dr Morgan, Maxine Wrigley];
Q 134 [Robert Tapsfield] Back
186
DCSF, Statistical First Release 23, September 2008 Back
187
DCSF, 2004 Spending Review Public Service Agreement target 5 Back
188
Q 10 Back
189
Q 18 [Dr Morgan]; Ev 314 [Ofsted] Back
190
Care Matters Green Paper, para 4.10 Back
191
Q 140 [Robert Tapsfield] Back
192
Care Matters Green Paper, para 4.25 Back
193
Q 10 Back
194
Q 44 Back
195
Care Matters White Paper, paras 3.66 ff. Back
196
DCSF, Statistical First Release 23, September 2008 Back
197
Q 495 [Pauline Newman]; Q 499 [Marion Davis] Back
198
Annex Back
199
Q 18 [Dr Morgan] Back
200
Ev 314 [Ofsted] Back
201
Q 499 [Marion Davis] Back
202
Q 142 Back
203
Q 285 [Steve Hillman]; Q 505 [Steve Goodman]; Q 506 [Marion Davis];
Ev 233 [LGA] Back
204
Ev 81; The Care Matters Partnership is a partnership between
the Tavistock and Portman NHS Foundation Trust, the British Association
for Adoption and Fostering, and Coram Families. Back
205
Q 465 [Pauline Newman] Back
206
Children and Young Persons Act 2008, Sections 26-9 Back
207
Q 140 [Robert Tapsfield] Back
208
DCSF, Statistical First Release 23, September 2008; Care
Matters White Paper, para 3.57 Back
209
Ev 59 Back
210
Care Matters White Paper, para 3.44 Back
211
Q 144 [Robert Tapsfield]; Q 148 [Kevin Williams]; Ev 58-9 [Fostering
Network] Back
212
Ev 59 Back
213
Ev 58 [Fostering Network]; Q 144 ff. [Robert Tapsfield] Back
214
Ev 58 [Fostering Network] Back
215
Ev 59 Back
216
Ibid. Back
217
Ev 55 [Fostering Network] Back
218
TACT-The Adolescent & Children's Trust-is a national charity
working with children and young people involved in the care system,
and a fostering and adoption agency. Back
219
Qq 140, 148 [Kevin Williams] Back
220
Care Matters White Paper, para 3.42 Back
221
Q 145 Back
222
Ev 59 Back
223
Annex Back
224
Care Matters Green Paper, para 4.34 Back
225
Lord Laming, Care Matters: placements working group report
(DfES 2007), para 89 Back
226
HC Deb, 8 October 2008, col 362 Back
227
Q 154 [Kevin Williams] Back
228
Q 154 Back
229
Ev 57 [Fostering Network] Back
230
Ibid.; Q 128 [Kevin Williams] Back
231
Children, Schools and Families Committee, First Report of Session
2007-08, Children and Young Persons Bill [Lords], HC 359,
Ev 45 Back
232
Ev 58 Back
233
Q 148 Back
234
DCSF, Statistical First Release 23, September 2008; Health
Committee, Second Report of Session 1997-98, Children Looked
After by Local Authorities, HC 319-I, para 33 Back
235
P. Petrie, J. Boddy, C. Cameron, V. Wigfall, A. Simon, Working
with children in care: European perspectives (Open University
Press 2006) Back
236
Petrie et al, Working with children in care, pp 12, 38;
P. Petrie and A. Simon, 'Residential care: lessons from Europe',
in Chase, Simon, Jackson (eds.), In Care and After: a positive
perspective (Abingdon 2006), pp 119-120; Q 161 [Robert Tapsfield,
Prof Sinclair, Kevin Williams]; Ev 314 [Ofsted] Back
237
Petrie et al, Working with children in care, p 92 Back
238
Petrie and Simon, 'Residential care', p 120 Back
239
Q 287 [John Hill]; Q 451 [Les Lawrence] Back
240
Multi-dimensional Treatment Foster Care caters for children and
young people with very complex needs and challenging behaviour,
combining high levels of supervision, parenting training, and
access to a multi-disciplinary team. The DCSF has run pilot projects
with local authorities for three different age groups. Back
241
Q 129 [Robert Tapsfield] Back
242
DCSF, Statistical First Release 23, September 2008 Back
243
Q 464 Back
244
Q 452 Back
245
Q 465 Back
246
Care Matters White Paper, para 3.57 Back
247
Q 249-50 [David Crimmens]; Ev 26 [Barnardo's] Back
248
Annex Back
249
Q 52 [Maxine Wrigley]; Q 251 [David Crimmens] Back
250
Q 287 Back
251
Q 250 [David Crimmens] Back
252
Q 129 Back
253
Petrie et al, Working with children in care, chapter
6 Back
254
Petrie et al, Working with children in care, pp 35 ff. Back
255
Petrie and Simon, 'Residential care', p 122 Back
256
Q 162 [Professor Sinclair]; Q 287 [Professor Stein] Back
257
Q 276 Back
258
Qq 247, 268, 276 [Professor Petrie]; Q 267 [David Crimmens] Back
259
Ev 26 [Barnardo's]; see also Ev 318 [Ofsted]. Back
260
Ev 213 [ADCS] Back
261
Q 247 Back
262
Q 250 Back
263
Q 319 [Bob Ashford, Chris Callender]; Q 262 [David Crimmens] Back
264
Q 257 [David Crimmens, Jane Haywood]; Ev 216 [GSCC] Back
265
Q 252 [Professor Petrie] Back
266
Q 262 Back
267
Q 274 Back
268
Petrie et al, Working with children in care, p 97 Back
269
Q 248 [Professor Petrie]; Ev 451 [Les Lawrence] Back
270
Petrie and Simon, 'Residential care', p 124 Back
271
Q 275 Back
272
Q 162; see also Ev 341 [NCERCC]. Back
273
Qq 256, 267 [Professor Petrie];Q 267 [David Crimmens]; Ev 233
[LGA] Back
274
Ev 213 [ADCS]; Ev 233 [LGA]; see also Ev 346-7 [NCERCC]. Back
275
Q 268 Back
276
Q 162 Back
277
Q 140 Back
278
Qq 138, 141 [Kevin Williams], Q143 [Robert Tapsfield] Back
279
Q 123 Back
280
Ev 322 ff.; see also Ev 345 [NCERCC]. Back
281
Q 140 Back
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