2 European Security and Defence Policy
(a)
(30250)
16686/08
--
(b)
(30355)
17104/08
|
French Presidency Report on European Security and Defence Policy
Report on the Implementation of the European Security Strategy Providing Security in a Changing World
|
Legal base | |
Deposited in Parliament | (a) 10 December 2008
(b) 21 January 2009
|
Department | Foreign and Commonwealth Office
|
Basis of consideration | (a) Minister's letter of 22 January 2009
(b) EM of 21 January 2009
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Previous Committee Report | (a) HC 19-ii (2008-09), chapter 8 (17 December 2008); also see (29743) 10415/08: HC 16-xxv (2007-08), chapter 13 (25 June 2008); (29307) 16426/07: HC 16-viii (2007-08), chapter 23 (16 January 2008) and (29518) 7235/08: HC 16-xxii (2007-08), chapter 8 (21 May 2008)
(b) None
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Discussed in Council | 11-12 December 2008 European Council
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Committee's assessment | Politically important
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Committee's decision | Not cleared; for debate in European Committee B
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Background
2.1 Each Presidency submits a report on European Security and
Defence Policy to the European Council (in December or June) recording
significant developments over the six months of each Presidency,
referring to activities undertaken in earlier months, highlighting
progress in specific areas and drawing attention to others where
further work is needed.
The French Presidency report
2.2 The report is a record of ESDP developments during the French
Presidency in the second half of 2008. The main sections are:
EU Operational Activities, Development of Civilian and Military
Capabilities, Human Rights and Gender Issues, EU Training and
Exercises, and Co-operation with International Organisations and
third states.
2.3 The report also covers the European Defence Agency
(EDA); Civil Military Co-ordination; Security Sector Reform and
Conflict Prevention.
2.4 As is customary, the report concludes with a
mandate from the Council for the incoming Presidency. This prioritises
areas for the Czech Presidency to take forward over the next six
months. The Report is summarised and analysed in a previous Report.[4]
The European Security Strategy Review
2.5 The present European Security Strategy
(ESS), "A Secure Europe In A Better World", which
was adopted by the Council in December 2003, identified terrorism,
weapons proliferation, regional conflicts, state failure and
organised crime as the major threats to Europe's security.
It set three objectives for EU action addressing those
threats, building neighbourhood security and developing
effective multilateralism. Its conclusion was that Europe
needed to be more active, more coherent and more capable, and
work with others to make a contribution matching its potential.[5]
2.6 In December 2007, the European Council asked
the Secretary General/High Representative, Javier Solana, to conduct
a Review on the implementation of the ESS, viz.
"In the light of all evolutions which have taken
place since, in particular the experiences drawn from ESDP missions,
the European Council invites the SG/HR, in full association with
the Commission and in close co-operation with the Member States,
to examine the implementation of the Strategy with a view to proposing
elements on how to improve the implementation and, as appropriate,
elements to complement it, for adoption by the European Council
in December 2008."
2.7 On 26 May 2008, the then Minister for Europe
(Mr Jim Murphy) wrote to the sub-Committee C of the House of Lords'
EU Select Committee, in response to a request to set out the Government's
views in particular, on the strengths and weaknesses of
the Strategy, whether the Government would be seeking to include
additional threats and risks into the revised strategy, and the
extent to which the UK position was shared by other EU Member
States and the Commission.
2.8 The then Minister said that the Government's
view, shared by other Member States, was that its basic analysis
remained valid, and that it served as a valuable high-level policy
framework, against which EU action could be measured and developed,
but that it was nonetheless the right moment to review implementation
in the light of experience and identify elements for further development.
2.9 The Government's objective for the ESS review
was to encourage greater EU impact on the key external security
issues identified in the Global Europe[6]
agenda, set out by the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary in
October 2007: tackling climate change and energy security, tackling
global poverty and development, promoting security and stability
in neighbouring countries and beyond, and tackling terrorism and
organised crime.
2.10 The review of the implementation of the ESS
should accordingly develop the Strategy's treatment of the impact
of climate change, energy security, poverty and development on
security, including through taking into account the security dimension
of climate change. The Government was working to ensure that the
report led to concrete EU action, including regional studies and
deeper analysis of climate and security issues. The Government
believed that the ESS review should also take into account the
Spring 2008 European Council's agreement to develop a common approach
to external energy policy, including energy security issues.
2.11 The Government also believed that the review
should acknowledge more fully the link between development and
security, and underline in this context the importance of the
Millennium Development Goals. The Government fully supported the
Commission's proposal for agreement at the June European Council
on an Agenda for Action for the Millennium Development Goals (the
Commission Communication on which was debated in European Committee
B on 9 June).[7]
2.12 In addition to highlighting the development
of the ESS's analysis of threats and risks, the Government saw
the review as an opportunity to improve the EU's impact in conflict-affected
countries by setting out clear priorities for EU work on stabilisation.
Developments of note since the Strategy was written in 2003 included
progress in civil-military co-ordination and capability development,
the implementation of the Stability Instrument, the European Consensus
on Development and the November 2007 Conclusions on Security and
Development and Situations of Fragility. Key stabilisation issues
included the use of expeditionary military and civilian capability
development, co-ordinated planning to achieve coherent effect,
building African Union capabilities, and close cooperation with
the United Nations, NATO and the African Union.
2.13 The then Minister said that the ESS rightly
prioritised countering terrorism and proliferation. Both areas
had since been taken forward through work to implement the 2004
EU Council Declaration on Combating Terrorism and the 2003 EU
Strategy against Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction.
The Government wanted to use the ESS review to highlight priorities
for future action in combating terrorism and proliferation. This
included recognising that what happened outside the EU had a direct
effect within communities in Member States and vice versa, which
in turn pointed to: tackling radicalisation and extremism, both
within the EU and in third countries; helping third countries
to build their own counter terrorism capabilities; and strengthening
action against terrorist financing.
2.14 On proliferation, the then Minister said that
this was an opportunity to update the perception of threats, including
regions of concern and terrorists' use of chemical, biological,
radiological or nuclear materials; to highlight emerging issues,
such as the proliferation risks of the potential renaissance of
civil nuclear technology; and to reflect on EU priorities for
the 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
2.15 The then Minister also said that the Government
would want to ensure that the ESS review emphasised the importance
of close EU-NATO cooperation. The UK National Security Strategy
underlined the importance of a strong EU and NATO to both European
and regional security, complementing the contribution of global
institutions, and that the Government supported the development
of both institutions and close cooperation between them. The then
Minister said that that it would be important that the review
reinforced the importance of closer EU-NATO cooperation, building
on the ESS's conclusion that the transatlantic relationship was
irreplaceable.
2.16 Finally, the then Minister said that the detailed
views held by other Member States and the Commission on ESS the
review were not yet clear; the Government would discuss the review
with other Member States at the June European Council, following
which he would then write again and during the French Presidency
he would then work closely with Partners to ensure that the priorities
for future action identified above were highlighted in the Review.
The Committee's reaction
2.17 The current ESS appeared from the blue in December
2003, and became one of the major milestones in both this Committee's
and its Lords' counterpart's efforts to improve "upstream
scrutiny" of ESDP developments, before they emerged
almost always at the last moment as Common Positions,
Joint Actions or Council Decisions. The Committee felt that the
challenge now was to ensure that the Review, unlike its predecessor,
was properly scrutinised. A letter to the House of Lords' Select
Committee on the European Union having been copied to this Committee,
the Chairman responded on 4 June 2008, underlining that we too
were interested in the Solana Review and, this time round, expected
whatever was produced for adoption by the December 2008 European
Council to be deposited in time for proper scrutiny.
2.18 In the Conclusions to our Report of 17 December
2008 on the ESDP Presidency Report, we noted that this period
had seen the launch of both the EU's largest civilian mission
and its first naval enterprise. But, comprehensive and helpful
as her Explanatory Memorandum of 11 December 2008 had otherwise
been, the Minister for
Europe at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Caroline Flint)
had said nothing about any of the costs, so
it was impossible to come to any conclusions about the pressure
that might be being put upon the CFSP budget (of which the UK
contributes some 17%) by this ever-increasing range of activity.
2.19 Nor was there any mention of the progress in
developing an evaluation process for civilian ESDP missions, which
was mentioned a year ago in the mandate for the Slovene Presidency.
2.20 More profoundly, we expressed our disappointment
at the Minister's failure to respond to our request to deposit
ahead of adoption any document reviewing the European Security
Strategy. The Committee noted moreover that European Council had
adopted not only that document without any parliamentary scrutiny,
but also a Declaration on the enhancement of ESDP,[8]
a Declaration on Strengthening Capabilities and a Statement
on strengthening international security (both already adopted
by the GAERC).
2.21 Through the first of these, the Council expressed
its determination to give "a fresh impetus to the European
Security and Defence Policy", compliant with the principles
of the United Nations Charter and the decisions of the United
Nations Security Council, and "in full complementarity with
NATO in the agreed framework of the strategic partnership between
the EU and NATO and in compliance with the decision-making autonomy
and procedures of each." Making good "the shortfall
in the resources available in Europe by gradually improving civilian
and military capabilities" was "the prerequisite for
allowing Europeans to assume in a credible and effective manner
their responsibilities under a renewed transatlantic partnership,
to which the European Council reaffirms its commitment".
To this end, the Council subscribed to the Declaration on Strengthening
Capabilities, "which sets numerical and precise targets
to enable the EU, in the coming years, to conduct simultaneously,
outside its territory, a series of civilian missions and military
operations of varying scope, corresponding to the most likely
scenarios."[9]
2.22 The Committee pointed out that:
the
Declaration on Strengthening Capabilities
required a commitment "to develop robust, flexible and interoperable
capabilities", which would entail "innovative forms
of specialisation, pooling and sharing of major equipment projects,
with priority being given to planning, crisis management, space
and maritime security." The Declaration "would also
encourage the efforts of the Secretary-General/High Representative
to establish a new, single civilian-military strategic planning
structure for ESDP operations and missions."[10]
the Statement on Enhancing International
Security "decides on specific actions to enable the EU
to play a more active role in combating terrorism, proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction, organised crime and cyber-attacks";
it also includes the statement that the acquisition by Iran of
a military nuclear capability "would constitute an unacceptable
threat to our security, both regional and international."[11]
2.23 We considered that these documents were bound
to have major implications for the Committee's future work, as
well as more widely for Parliament. As well as having clearly
indicated our wish for the Solana report to be deposited ahead
of adoption, we had also equally clearly indicated our interest
in wider developments in both European Security and Defence Policy
particularly with regard to the question of planning capability,
and the need to avoid duplication with NATO [12]
and Common Foreign and Security Policy.
2.24 We therefore asked the Minister not only to
comment on the points in paragraphs 2.5 and 2.6 above but also
to explain why the Solana report was not deposited ahead of adoption
and why she felt unable to share with the Committee any of the
thinking in these important statements of future policy. We also
asked, again, that she deposit the Solana Review, together with
the other Declarations and Statements referred to above, along
with an Explanatory Memorandum (or Explanatory Memoranda) summarising
the key features and outlining her views thereon, and assessing
the implications for British foreign and defence policy, and particularly
the relationship between a burgeoning ESDP and NATO.
2.25 We also asked the Minister to do this in good
time for us to make a further Report to the House before she gives
evidence to us on 4 February 2009.
2.26 In the meantime, we retained the Report under
scrutiny.[13]
The Minister's letter of 22 January 2009
2.27 The Minister begins her letter with some information
on the likely costs of the EULEX mission in Kosovo and the anti-piracy
ATALANTA operation off the coast of Somalia. The Minister says
that the budget for the first 12 months of the EULEX operation
is projected to be 162 million, towards which the UK will
contribute approximately £27 million; whilst current estimates
lead the Minister to expect that the UK share of common costs
for the one year ATALANTA operation to be approximately £1.2
million. The Minister regards EU missions as having a positive
impact on the ground:
"EULEX for example is supporting the Kosovo
authorities by monitoring, mentoring and advising the Kosovo Police
Service, justice sector and customs service, whilst operation
ATALANTA is an essential part of a comprehensive approach to address
both the immediate problems of piracy and the root causes of instability."
2.28 Turning to the matter of progress on the development
of a civilian ESDP mission evaluation process, the Minister says
that the UK has pushed for the Czech Presidency to evaluate the
current civilian missions and identify lessons learnt to use in
the planning and implementation of future missions:
"There is now a timeline within the Czech Presidency
for evaluating each mission, identifying 'Best Practice Officers',
and implementing a software tool to store observations and lessons
learnt. In order to feed into this process, the UK will also be
looking at lessons learnt at all stages of the missions, particularly
on attracting and recruiting top quality candidates, including
pre-deployment training in the UK."
2.29 The Minister then notes that an Explanatory
Memorandum on the Review of the 2003 European Security Strategy
(ESS) was deposited on 21 January, and also refers the Committee
to her letter of the same date to the Chairman of the Lords' European
Union Committee, "which sets out the Government's detailed
response to the Lords' report on the Review." The Minister
then continues as follows:
"The Review provides a useful assessment of
the progress made and new threats faced over the past five years.
It does not attempt to set out specific actions for EU foreign
policy, but rather to create a broad framework to guide EU actions
in the external sphere. It supports UK views on the importance
for European Security of tackling climate change and diversifying
energy supplies, the importance of EU enlargement, and the emphasis
the Review places on the need for a comprehensive approach to
conflict prevention. It also makes clear that NATO and the EU
must be mutually reinforcing, rather than seeking to duplicate,
challenge or undermine each other. The ESS Review is helpful in
reaffirming that we need to 'strengthen this strategic partnership'
between the EU and NATO. The government is keen that the EU now
concentrates on implementing the aims set out in the Review Report."
2.30 The Minister then notes that the December European
Council's endorsement of "a Statement on tighter international
security" was designed to add more detail to aspects of the
Review of the ESS, notably terrorism, WMD, proliferation and disarmament.
As with the Review, "the UK is keen to see that agreed EU
actions in each of these areas are taken forward, for example
making progress on the EU's Radicalisation and Recruitment Action
Plan."
2.31 Moving to the declaration in the December European
Council Conclusions on the enhancement of European Security and
Defence Policy, on strengthening capabilities, the Minister continues
as follows:
"The declaration refined the 2010 Headline Goal
(which said the EU should have '60,000 troops deployable within
60 days for a major operation for a period of one year'), by supplementing
it with the requirement that within this framework (i.e. not in
addition to a deployment of 60,000 troops) Europe should prepare
itself for the following simultaneous smaller (and more likely)
operations:
- two stabilisation/reconstruction
missions;
- two rapid reaction operations, limited in time,
using EU Battle Groups;
- one non-combatant evacuation operation of EU
citizens (in fewer than 10 days);
- one maritime surveillance/protection mission;
- one civilian-military operation for humanitarian
support, for a period of up to 90 days;
- around 12 civilian ESDP missions including
a rapid deployment mission and one other major mission.
"The redefinition of the Headline Goal has two
important policy implications: firstly, the wider range of operations
should act as a capability driver, with the focus on the key enablers
required for more small operations (e.g. helicopters, engineers,
medical etc.). Secondly, the declaration states that '[f]or its
operations and missions, the European Union uses, in an appropriate
manner and in accordance with its procedures, the resources and
capabilities of Member States, of the European Union and, if appropriate
for its military operations, of NATO'. This is a clear recognition
that a 'European' operation could be conducted by the EU, NATO,
UN or multinationally and that a realistic level of ambition for
Europe must include the operations undertaken by Europeans in
all these frameworks. The explicit recognition in an EU text of
NATO as a key actor for delivering 'European' operations is a
positive outcome and in line with UK policy. The EU and NATO are
already working together on capabilities through the current NATO
defence planning review and the EU-NATO Capability Group. The
declaration also welcomed the establishment of a new civilian-military
strategic planning structure for ESDP operations and missions.
"The establishment of a civilian-military planning
structure should institutionalise on a permanent basis the co-operation
between EU civilian and military strategic-level planning assets,
leading to a more comprehensive approach to early planning for
ESDP missions (i.e. in the pre-decision to launch phase). The
new structure is not an Operational Headquarters (OHQ) and will
not change the current arrangements in place for the use of existing
national OHQs (for example, the Multinational Headquarters at
Northwood is the OHQ for Operation ATALANTA).
"The French Presidency also secured agreement
to a new push for capability development through a series of voluntary
initiatives aimed at filling gaps in EU military capabilities:
the multinational helicopter fund (inspired by UK, and which also
has a strong NATO content), multinational air transport fleet;
voluntary exchange programme for young European officers; a deepening
co-operation between the European Defence Agency (EDA) and the
Organisation for Joint Armament Co-operation (OCCAR). We welcome
these voluntary capability initiatives (although we are not participating
in all of them) as ways of strengthening interoperability and
capability development across Europe in an inclusive/open way."
2.32 The Minister concludes with the hope that the
Committee will have found this information helpful and will now
be able to lift scrutiny on the French Presidency's Report on
the EDSP, and by looking forward to giving evidence on the outcomes
of the December European Council to the Committee on 4 February.
The ESS Review
2.33 The Minister says the Review "Implementation
of the European Security Strategy: Providing Security in a Changing
World" [14]
builds on the analysis in the 2003 ESS to consider the
EU's actions and reflect new security threats and developments
over the last five years. She describes it as "a short accessible
document with an Executive Summary that carries a strong message
about the important role that the European Union has played since
2003, whilst being clear about the increasing complexity of the
security threats we face." She notes that "the first
two sections of the Review Report deal with the specific threats
that Europe faces globally and within the European neighbourhood",
while the final section "focuses on the three ways in which
Europe should respond to these threats by establishing "a
more effective and capable Europe", through "greater
engagement with our neighbourhood", and by building "partnerships
for effective multilateralism".
The Government's view
2.34 The Minister goes on to say that the Review
Report provides "a useful assessment of the progress made
and new threats faced over the past five years" and "further
strengthens the government's aim of having a more capable Foreign
and Security Policy". She then refers to the annex to her
Explanatory Memorandum, which consists of the Government's response
to the Lords' EU Select Committee Inquiry into the Review of the
European Security Strategy referred to in her letter, and which
she says "covers further detail on the issues raised by the
Review."[15] The
Minister concludes her comments as follows:
"The Review Report supports UK views on the
importance for European Security of tackling climate change and
diversifying energy supplies to ensure energy security, and the
need for a more unified energy market in Europe. It also helpfully
sets out the role of EU enlargement in bringing stability to neighbouring
countries, and that respect for sovereignty and the territorial
integrity of states are not negotiable. The strategy review moves
further towards the UK's view that a comprehensive approach to
conflict prevention is required including development assistance,
whilst acknowledging the shared international Responsibility to
Protect. We also welcome the emphasis on the need to engage multilaterally
and maintaining key EU relationships with the US, with NATO and
other strategic partners.
"We hope that the Review will form the frame
of reference for future EU external action, and will push the
EU to move forward in concert on issues such as countering proliferation,
terrorism and organised crime.
"The Review provides an important contribution
in setting out the cultural shift required to bring together EU
military, civilian and development efforts to achieve sustainable
security. It also makes clear that it no longer makes sense to
regard internal and external security as separate questions. The
UK believes it is important now to see further implementation
of the aims set out in the Review Report, in particular, greater
coherence in the planning framework in Brussels."
Conclusion
2.35 We look to the Minister to report on how
the Czech Presidency has handled the timeline to which she refers
in paragraph 2.26 above when submitting the next ESDP Presidency
Report.
2.36 In the meantime, with regard to ESDP finance,
we are still no better informed about the extent to which budgetary
pressures which were first highlighted during the UK Presidency
are affecting the effectiveness of an ever-increasing
range of activities.
2.37 Moreover, the Minister still does not refer
to, let alone explain, her failure to deposit the ESS prior to
adoption, despite the Committee's clearly expressed request for
this to be done, or why she felt unable to share with the Committee
any of the thinking that has now produced these important statements
of future policy. Instead, she seems to regard copies of communications
with our Lords' counterparts, and her sketchy Explanatory Memorandum,
as a satisfactory response. We do not.
2.38 We will accordingly raise this, and the wider
issues relating to the proper scrutiny of Common Foreign and Security
Policy and European Security and Defence Policy as it develops,
further with her when she gives evidence to us on 4 February.
2.39 In the meantime, the Minister for Europe
notes that the ESS "will form the frame of reference for
future external EU action", while the Statement on Enhancing
International Security is designed to add more details to aspects
of the Review, notably terrorism, WMD, proliferation and disarmament,
and that "the UK is keen to see that agreed EU actions in
each of these areas are taken forward". These are but two
illustrations of why the Committee was right to have taken the
view on 17 December that these documents are bound to have major
implications for the Committee's future work, as well as more
widely for Parliament, and should therefore have been properly
scrutinised prior to adoption.
2.40 We therefore recommend that the Solana Review
and the ESDP Presidency Report, along with the Declarations and
Statements to which we have drawn attention, be debated in European
Committee B, so that the House may have the opportunity now to
discuss the important issues they embrace an opportunity
which should have been afforded in the formative stages, rather
than after the event.
4 See headnote: HC 16-ii (2008-09), chapter 8, (17
December 2008). Back
5
For the full text, see http://ue.eu.int/uedocs/cmsUpload/78367.pdf.
Back
6
This is part of the wider "Global Europe" endeavour,
which aims to develop realistic recommendations on how the EU
can become an effective liberal force in world politics. It focuses
on the strategic, economic and political capacities available
to the EU member states and the policies required to enhance their
efficacy, with four areas of special concern: pre-emptive engagement;
effective multilateralism; handling failing states and confronting
WMD. Outputs will include high-level seminars and conferences
in EU centres, fact-finding work and a series of publications.
Back
7
Commission Communication 8403/08 and Adds 1-5 relating to "The
EU - a Global Partner for Development - Speeding up progress towards
the Millennium Development Goals": see http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200708/cmgeneral/euro/080609/80609s01.htm
for the record of the debate. Back
8
See page 11 and Annex 2 of the 12 December 2008 European Council
Conclusions at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/ec/104692.pdf.
Back
9
"Europe should actually be capable, in the years ahead, in
the framework of the level of ambition established, inter alia
of deploying 60 000 men in 60 days for a major operation, within
the range of operations envisaged within the headline goal for
2010 and within the civilian headline goal for 2010, of planning
and conducting simultaneously:
- two major stabilisation and reconstruction
operations, with a suitable civilian component,
- supported by a maximum of 10 000 men
for at least two years;
- two rapid response operations of limited
duration using inter alia the EU's battle groups;
- an emergency operation for the evacuation
of European nationals (in less than ten days), bearing in mind
the primary role of each Member State as regards its nationals
and making use of the consular lead State concept;
- a maritime or air surveillance/interdiction
mission;
- a civilian-military humanitarian assistance
operation lasting up to 90 days;
- around a dozen ESDP civilian missions
(inter alia police, rule of law, civil administration, civil protection,
security sector reform and observation missions) of varying formats,
inter alia in a rapid reaction situation, including a major mission
(possibly up to 3 000 experts), which could last several years.
For its operations and missions, the
European Union uses, in an appropriate manner and in accordance
with its procedures, the resources and capabilities of Member
States, of the European Union and, if appropriate for its military
operations, of NATO." Back
10
The full text is at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/esdp/104676.pdf.
Back
11
The full text is at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/esdp/104674.pdf. Back
12
See headnote: (29518) 7235/08: HC 16-xxii (2007-08), chapter 8
(21 May 2008). Back
13
See headnote: HC 16-ii (2008-09), chapter 8 (17 December 2008). Back
14
The full text of which can be found at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/reports/104630.pdf.
Back
15
See Thirty-first Report from the European Union Committee 2007-08,
Adapting the EU's approach to today's security challenges-the
Review of the 2003 European Security Strategy, HL 190, chaps
1-6. Back
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