Conclusions and recommendations
1. Statistical
data about the use of knives in violent offending are contained
in the Homicide Index, the British Crime Survey and police recorded
crime. Hospital Episode Statistics provide information about knife
injuries resulting in a victim's admittance to hospital. The Home
Office Offending, Crime and Justice Survey and MORI Youth Survey
have provided information about levels of knife-carrying amongst
young people. We welcome the decision to extend the British Crime
Survey to under-16s and to publish specific data on knives in
police recorded crime as means of improving our understanding
of the scale of knife violence. However, limitations remain that
inhibit a fully accurate analysis, including poor reporting rates.
(Paragraph 14)
2. Between 1996 and
2005/06 fatal stabbings mirrored overall homicide rates: the number
of fatal stabbings rose sharply before declining again from 2003,
but the percentage of homicides that involved a sharp instrument
remained relatively stable. However, since 2006 the overall homicide
rate has remained relatively stable but the number of knife homicides
has increased—by a dramatic 26.9% in 2006/07—to reach
270 in 2007/08, the highest total recorded since the Homicide
Index was established in 1977. (Paragraph 17)
3. It is difficult
to draw firm conclusions from Home Office data about levels of
knife use in non-fatal violent crime, partly because of the limitations
of the source data and partly because they do not indicate many
clear trends. It appears that overall knife violence recorded
by the British Crime Survey fell sharply between 1995 and 2003/04,
in line with overall violent crime, but rose again in 2006/07.
(Paragraph 21)
4. Hospital Episode
Statistics show a big increase in knife injuries since the mid-1990s,
with the sharpest increase occurring since 2006. This trend was
supported by the professional opinion of two senior medical practitioners
to whom we spoke. However, we note that the number of stab victims
admitted to hospital is far lower than the number of stab victims
suggested by the British Crime Survey. This may indicate that
the majority of stab wounds are minor. The increase in hospital
admissions, however, appears to indicate that serious stab wounds
are becoming more common. (Paragraph 24)
5. The picture with
regard to knife possession is complicated. The 2008 MORI Youth
Survey indicated that 31% of 11-16 year olds in mainstream education
and 61% of excluded young people had carried a knife at some point
over the course of the previous year; however the 2006 Home Office
Offending, Crime and Justice Survey found that only 3% of 10-25
year olds did. This discrepancy cannot be explained by the time
lag between the surveys, as the numbers reporting carrying a knife
actually decreased between the 2005 and 2008 MORI Surveys. It
can partly be explained by the fact that the MORI survey includes
legitimate carrying and the OCJS covers a wider age range. Anecdotal
evidence indicated that in certain areas levels of knife-carrying
have risen to the extent that carrying a knife has almost become
"normal". We therefore concluded that, although there
is no definitive evidence of the extent of knife-carrying nationally,
in parts of England and Wales it was at a level to be of significant
concern. (Paragraph 30)
6. The Government's
Tackling Knives Action Programme has been in operation for less
than a year, therefore it is difficult to evaluate its success.
It does not appear to have had a significant effect on reducing
police recorded crime, although there have been signs of a notable
reduction in hospital admissions in Tacking Knives Action Programme
areas. (Paragraph 35)
7. A significant proportion
of stabbings relate to brawling or domestic violence, but the
rise in violent knife offences seen over the past few years is
associated with street violence between groups of young people
who share a territorial identity, often referred to as 'gangs'.
While young people often offend in groups, there may be a tendency
to overstate the phenomenon of streets gangs and a danger that
categorising groups of young people in that way may glamorise
street violence. Random stabbings of innocent bystanders remain
extremely rare. (Paragraph 40)
8. Violent knife crime
is concentrated in the deprived areas of large cities. The nature
of knife crime may vary between cities and is not always linked
to street violence. While hospital data show a rise in the number
of knife injuries sustained in rural areas since the mid-1990s,
the trend does not mirror the rapid rise seen in urban areas since
2006 and incidence remains considerably lower than in urban areas.
While some immigrants from countries where knife-carrying is socially
acceptable may be more predisposed to carry knives, knife use
is not linked to ethnicity but rather reflects the local demography.
(Paragraph 47)
9. Males in their
late teens and early twenties constitute the majority of perpetrators
and victims of violent knife crime, which is consistent with other
types of violent offending. However, the number of under-18s affected
has risen. The age at which young people carry knives is also
worrying: the incidence of carrying is highest amongst older teenagers,
but we heard instances of carrying by children as young as seven.
11 seemed to be a key risk age for first carrying a knife, presumably
linked to the transition from primary to secondary school. Boys
are far more likely to carry a knife than girls. (Paragraph 53)
10. Hospital data
analysed by the Trauma Audit Research Network indicates that the
type of knife used to injure most frequently is the kitchen knife,
probably because of its easy availability. However, young people
tend to admit to carrying penknives, flick knives and other kinds
of knives, which are also more commonly found by the police during
stop and search operations. This may suggest that the knives used
to cause serious injury may differ from those that are routinely
carried. The MORI Youth Survey found that penknives were the most
common weapon carried by young people, but to some extent this
will be for legitimate purposes: only 1.2% of stab wounds recorded
by TARN hospitals during the second half of 2008 were caused by
penknives. (Paragraph 56)
11. The vast majority
of young people who carry knives say that they or their peers
carry knives to protect themselves: according to one survey this
reason is given by as many as 85% of knife-carriers. While for
some questioned this may be an easy excuse to justify their actions,
young people in deprived communities undoubtedly feel unsafe.
In part this is down to the risk of being attacked simply for
living in a different neighbourhood or "territory".
There is also a strong link between past victimisation and knife-carrying.
Many do not trust their "natural protectors", such as
their parents and the police, to keep them safe. A perception
that everyone else is carrying a knife fuels a vicious circle,
compared by one witness to an "arms race". Solutions
to knife-carrying should therefore focus in part on helping young
people to feel safer. (Paragraph 67)
12. Sensationalist
media coverage of stabbings has contributed to this "arms
race". Negative media portrayals of young people as "feral
youths", when the vast majority are law-abiding, can add
to a sense of being under attack. While we urge media organisations
to report knife crime in a responsible manner, we also recognise
the positive role that the media can play in mobilising communities
against knife crime and acting as a conduit for anti-knife information
and campaigns. Furthermore, responsible reporting is assisted
by the provision of quality information; therefore we repeat our
past recommendation for the provision of full and accurate crime
data. (Paragraph 68)
13. A smaller number
of knife-carriers say they carry knives to gain 'respect' or street
credibility, or because of peer pressure. Measures to tackle weapon-carrying
should therefore also focus on resolving the reasons why young
people seek "respect", including the appeal of violent
street culture, and building confidence to resist peer pressure.
(Paragraph 72)
14. We were also concerned
about evidence that knife offenders are using young children as
"caddies" to carry weapons for them. This is now a criminal
offence under the Violent Crime Reduction Act 2006 attracting
a maximum sentence of four years. We would like the Home Office
to state the number of prosecutions made under this legislation
and recommend that such prosecutions are actively pursued by the
police. (Paragraph 73)
15. A huge factor
in the decision to carry a knife or use it in an offence is its
easy availability. This is clearly particularly true of kitchen
knives, but we heard that it is also possible to purchase illegal
knives from a number of sources and that under-18s are often able
to purchase knives in shops, despite changes in the law. While
we believe there is value in exploring ways of decreasing supply,
particularly as a solution for those who carry knives without
intention to use them, this is unlikely to reduce violent offending
significantly. Those intent on committing violence will find other
means. Therefore, in order to address the growing trend towards
serious violence in a minority of young people, it is important
to address its underlying causes. (Paragraph 77)
16. Individuals born
into social deprivation are more likely to commit violence. Key
risk factors for becoming involved in street violence include
coming from a dysfunctional family with poor parental support,
low self-worth, poor school attendance and living in an area where
aspirations are low and there are few employment opportunities.
Young people who have witnessed or experienced violence as a child
are also far more prone to commit violence. We were shocked by
the rapid manner in which violence can escalate between young
people from a seemingly minor grievance. Extreme parental neglect
halts the development of faculties that enable the majority of
people to regulate their aggression. Solutions should therefore
focus on dealing with dysfunctional and violent families and providing
opportunities for young people to develop self-worth. However,
it is important to recognise that not all young people who come
from a deprived background are violent and that young people from
stable backgrounds can also be violent. (Paragraph 87)
17. Evidence to our
inquiry supported our view that violent DVDs and video games exert
a negative influence on those who watch and play them. Watching
or playing such media contributes around 10% of any person's predisposition
to be violent. Of particular concern is their influence on individuals
who are already predisposed to violence because they grew up in
a violent environment. (Paragraph 88)
18. The laws regulating
the sale, possession and use of different kinds of knives are
contained in a number of different pieces of legislation. We note
calls from the Police Federation to simplify this legislation;
however we consider this would be overly resource-intensive. We
understand that the Association of Chief Police Officers is in
the process of clarifying the provision of relevant legislation
into a definite piece of guidance for use by police officers.
We welcome this and urge its speedy publication. Our inquiry did
not find any need for further legislation to tackle the sale or
use of knives. (Paragraph 93)
19. There appears
to be a need for better enforcement of current legislation regarding
the sale of knives. The voluntary charter initiated by the Safer
Southwark Partnership with retailers in the London borough appears
to have been successful in reducing underage knife sales. We therefore
support the Government's similar national campaign with retailers.
We also support efforts to design a kitchen knife with a shorter
point, although note that it would take a number of years to achieve
a big reduction in the number of traditional kitchen knives in
circulation unless there was an incentive for people to replace
their current knives. (Paragraph 97)
20. Knife amnesties
have a limited impact on crime levels and are unlikely to dissuade
persistent offenders from carrying knives. We have no objection
to their continued use as part of a broader set of initiatives
aimed at reducing knife-carrying, but policy-makers should understand
their limited value. (Paragraph 100)
21. Stop and search
operations are a key component of the Tackling Knives Action Programme.
In London they have yielded only a 2% return in knives seized.
However, the extent of any deterrent effect is unclear. Moreover,
the British Transport Police claimed that their stop and search
operation, SHIELD, has contributed to a 39% reduction in the number
of crimes where knives are involved since its introduction in
2006. We heard conflicting views from communities affected by
knife crime about the impact of stop and search: some pointed
to the potential damage to police/community relations; others
considered it an important measure to keep their children safe.
Police representatives emphasised that their approach combined
enforcement with prevention. We concluded that stop and search
is an important short-term measure to tackle knife offences, with
the caveat that it is carried out in an appropriate and sensitive
manner. (Paragraph 108)
22. The Violent Crime
Reduction Act 2006 increased the maximum sentence for knife possession
to four years. In our Report on Policing in the 21st Century,
we expressed concern that advice published by the Sentencing Guidelines
Council in June 2008 that punishment for knife possession could
begin at a Band C fine was too lenient. We are therefore pleased
that new guidance sets a starting sentence point of a 12-week
custodial sentence. (Paragraph 112)
23. While we consider
that magistrates should be allowed a degree of discretion when
sentencing those convicted of knife possession, and therefore
oppose a mandatory sentence, we favour a more consistent approach
to sentencing and custody for the majority of offenders. We are
therefore pleased to note that there is now a presumption across
England and Wales that knife-carriers will be charged, and that
the number of offences resulting in custody rose during 2008.
(Paragraph 117)
24. While it may be
an appropriate punishment for knife-carriers, evidence suggests
that the prospect of a custodial sentence may not deter young
people from carrying knives. Many young people do not think about
the consequences of their actions, and for a small minority who
feel at risk of violence, the prospect of jail seems preferable
to the dangers of being caught without a weapon for protection.
Evidence suggests that the fear of getting caught acts as a stronger
deterrent for young people. This strengthens our support for strong
police action against knives, including the use of stop and search.
(Paragraph 123)
25. We support the
aims of the Government's anti-knife media campaign and we believe
it has had some impact on making young people think twice before
carrying a knife. However, we are concerned that such campaigns
may not reach the most at-risk young people and fail to engage
with the realities of street violence. Evidence shows that children
are most likely to be influenced by "real" stories,
particularly the experiences of former offenders and the families
of knife victims. We recommend that all Year Seven school children
should participate in an assembly or lesson, delivered by trained
individuals to whom children can relate, that focuses on the dangers
of knife-carrying and the consequences for victims, their families
and offenders. We consider that the short film made by the UNCUT
Project provides a particularly powerful means of communicating
with pupils about the realities of knife violence. In order to
engage children effectively, the programme should be adapted to
the local context, along the lines of the Leeds Weapons Awareness
Programme. (Paragraph 134)
26. The installation
of knife detectors can help to reassure pupils and their families
that a school is taking firm steps to protect them from potential
knife violence. However, they may not be appropriate for every
school and also have the potential to make some pupils more fearful.
It is also debatable whether they are necessary; a University
of Portsmouth study found that pupils feel safer and are less
likely to carry knives at school than they are in other environments.
We therefore do not recommend compulsory introduction of knife
detectors in schools; rather each school community should make
the decision for themselves. (Paragraph 138)
27. Taking a knife
onto school premises is a serious transgression and should be
dealt with accordingly. In such cases, many would argue that the
child should be excluded for the benefit of the wider school community
and we do not seek to remove the discretion of school leaders
to make such decisions. However, we continue to be concerned about
the increased likelihood of excluded children to go on to offend.
For this reason, exclusion should automatically constitute the
point of serious intervention by the relevant authority to put
in place the kind of diversions we explore in our final chapters.
(Paragraph 141)
28. Safer Schools
Partnerships, whereby police officers are attached to a school
or group of schools, appear to be an effective way of keeping
children safer. We heard evidence of how they can help to reduce
conflict between pupils and generate intelligence about conflicts
that have the potential to spill over outside school. However,
we note concerns expressed by the National Audit Office about
a lack of evaluation of the different models in existence. We
recommend that the Government should carry out such an evaluation
with the aim of spreading best practice and ensuring the participation
of all schools that would benefit from involvement in such a partnership.
(Paragraph 144)
29. Outside the school
environment, young people should feel they can rely on the police
to keep them safe. However a minority of young people view the
police as an enemy, rather than an ally, and this minority increases
as children progress through their teens. Some of these young
people share the fears of some adults that the police will not
respond when needed and in this respect our previous recommendations
on improving public confidence in the police are pertinent. (Paragraph
148)
30. However for some
of these young people this attitude stems from a negative personal
experience, particularly of stop and search. We cannot emphasise
enough how crucial it is for stop and search to be carried out
in an appropriate and sensitive manner. We also urge support for
schemes that break down the barriers between police officer and
young people, such as Safer Schools Partnerships and those that
see police officers acting as mentors to young people. (Paragraph
148)
31. Given the correlation
between being a victim of violence and carrying a weapon, providing
support for assault victims is key. (Paragraph 150)
32. We hope that measures
to improve the relationship between young people and the police
will encourage higher levels of crime reporting and that when
these young people do come forward, they are given the counselling
that they need. (Paragraph 150)
33. While we advocate
the use of custody for violent knife offenders and some knife
possessors, we are concerned about high re-offending rates among
both adult prisoners and young offenders. Reducing re-offending
is key to tackling violent crime in the long-term. There is currently
insufficient work in prisons and young offender institutions to
address offending behaviour. Young offenders in particularly are
likely to be impulsive and not consider the consequences of their
actions; evaluations of cognitive behavioural programmes, such
as Enhanced Thinking Skills, appear to show positive results.
We recommend that the Ministry of Justice should expand provision
so that more prisoners and young offenders who are judged likely
to benefit can participate in such programmes. (Paragraph 161)
34. We heard anecdotally
that the Knife Possession Prevention Programme run for all young
people convicted of knife possession in Tackling Knives Action
Programme areas has had a positive influence on their behaviour.
We recommend that an evaluation is carried out to measure re-offending
rates and, if judged to be a success, long-term funding for the
programme is made available. (Paragraph 162)
35. Improving literacy
and skills can also reduce the likelihood of re-offending. More
than half of prisoners leave school with no qualifications, and
a third with literacy skills at the same level as or below those
expected for an 11 year old child. We commend those private companies,
such as Timpsons, National Grid Transco, Cisco, Panduit and Bovis
Lend Lease and Travis Perkins, who are working with prisons to
improve the employment prospects of prisoners. The Government
should consider offering incentives for more companies to become
involved in such partnerships. A Ministry of Justice study found
that odds of re-offending increased by 43% for prisoners reporting
both employment and accommodation problems on release. We therefore
also advocate increased resettlement support targeted at prisoners
who have demonstrated in prison they are unlikely to re-offend.
(Paragraph 163)
36. We were impressed
with innovative gang exit and violence reduction strategies employed
in Strathclyde and the West Midlands, which use different methods
but share a multi-agency approach and replicate good practice
from the United States and Northern Ireland respectively. We believe
that local partnerships are best placed to develop solutions tailored
to the needs of their communities, but recommend the establishment
of a cross-departmental unit at Government level, along the lines
of the Scottish Violence Reduction Unit, whose role is to oversee
the work of partnerships in this area and spread good practice.
(Paragraph 171)
37. Witnesses told
us that Youth Inclusion Programmes are helping the young people
who are most at risk of offending or school exclusion in deprived
communities to stay out of trouble. About half of teenagers "grow
out" of crime, but an evaluation showed that arrest rates
for those who had engaged with a YIP decreased by a further 10%.
We were also impressed by the comparatively low costs involved.
We therefore recommend that the Government continues to fund Youth
Inclusion Programmes as a means of reducing youth crime. (Paragraph
176)
38. Homicide and wounding
cost society millions of pounds a year. The organisation Kids
Count has roughly estimated that knife-enabled crime costs £1.25
billion a year. We heard convincing evidence of the long-term
cost benefits of applying a public health approach to violence
reduction, as well as the benefits to individuals and communities.
A public health approach treats violence as a disease and invests
resources in prevention. (Paragraph 180)
39. An effective public
health approach depends upon accurate data about the incidence
and nature of violent crime. Effective data sharing amongst local
Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships about knife violence
will assist in the development of preventative approaches, as
well improving intelligence-led enforcement activity. Several
witnesses cited the beneficial impact of an approach to sharing
anonymous data about knife incidents pioneered in Cardiff on crime
reduction levels. We were disappointed to learn that this has
not been fully implemented throughout England and Wales and recommend
that this is done immediately. All agencies within partnerships
should have an equal duty to share. (Paragraph 188)
40. The General Medical
Council is currently consulting on guidelines regarding the duty
of medical practitioners to report details of specific knife injuries
to the police. We are sympathetic to concerns that an automatic
duty to report may dissuade some victims from seeking treatment.
We also appreciate that the first duty of doctors is to their
patients. However, we think that it is in the public interest
that the police are informed when a person arrives at hospital
with a wound inflicted in a violent attack and that the draft
GMC guidelines, which allow for anonymity and patient consent
where appropriate, would provide adequate safeguards. (Paragraph
189)
41. In light of evidence
that children who witness or experience domestic violence are
significantly more likely to go to commit violent crime, we recommend
that the Home Office implements our detailed recommendations on
preventing domestic violence published in June 2008. The Government
should also consider introducing Treatment Orders in Family Courts
so that men for whom there is not sufficient evidence to convict
of a criminal offence but who are judged to be too violent to
see their own children, are treated for violence before they go
on to infect another family. (Paragraph 193)
42. We were disturbed
to learn that young offenders who are convicted for violent offences
are allowed to watch violent DVD and video games in secure units
and young offending institutions, given that they may increase
the risk of violent behaviour in those already predisposed to
violence. We recommend that the Ministry of Justice should institute
a ban on this kind of material. (Paragraph 194)
43. Participation
in activities like sport or uniformed organisations can help young
people to develop discipline, skills and confidence to control
aggression, resist pressure to engage in street violence and raise
their aspirations. We were greatly encouraged during our evidence
sessions and visits round the country by the dedication shown
by local public servants and volunteers to providing these activities.
However, young people told us there is a shortage of places available
for them. The Scout Association told us that a shortage of volunteer
leaders in particular is preventing them from meeting demand.
We recommend that the Government should work with employers to
make it easier for their employees to volunteer their time. We
also suggest there may be a need for a more strategic approach
to provide consistent and tailored support for young people. In
addition, young people told us that access to paid employment
would make a criminal lifestyle less attractive. We recommend
that the Government facilitates more part-time job opportunities
for 14-18 year olds. (Paragraph 200)
44. There appeared
to be cross-party support for early interventions with very young
children born into dysfunctional families. The Government has
already begun to invest resources in family nurse partnerships
and intensive fostering. It will be difficult to measure the success
of such schemes in this country as they will not become evident
for a generation. However, evidence from the United States indicated
that investing in similar interventions can save a significant
amount in future criminal justice costs. Such measures are resource-intensive,
but are only needed for a small minority: around 5% of young people
commit half of all youth crime, and the Government estimates that
"real social failure" comes down to about 20,000 "hard
core" families. The Government should target resources very
specifically on these families. (Paragraph 207)
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