Knife Crime - Home Affairs Committee Contents


Memorandum submitted by Dr Stuart Newton

SUMMARY OF MAIN POINTS

  A.  The culture of violence amongst young people is a long-standing problem, about which warnings have been given over many years.

  B.  There are undercurrents of ethnicity in the problem. The proportion of young Black African and Black Caribbean victims in London far outweighs their proportion in the population as a whole.

  C.  The incidence of knife crime amongst young Britons is perceived to be far greater than in almost any other country in Europe.

  D.  In order to tackle knife crime effectively, we need to change the pervasive culture of violence in UK: merely applying draconian sanctions to those who carry knives, or use them as weapons, is not enough.

  E.  The future—developing the right strategy.

A.   The culture of violence amongst young people is a long-standing problem, about which warnings have been given over many years

  1.  The culture of violence in London has been developing steadily over the last three decades. In the mid-80s my staff and I, in a Croydon comprehensive school, noted a worrying increase in the number of young people who were prepared to resort to physical violence to sort out disputes. Those disputes often began outside the school, but were brought in, presumably because so many of the participants were present in a relatively confined space. At that time, most of the disputes involved fist-fights but, even in the 80s, we noted a trend towards using improvised weapons, such as baseball bats and knitting needles.

  2.  In the 80s and 90s, when I received information suggesting that a pupil was carrying an item that could be used as an offensive weapon, (such as a knives, sticks and boots with steel toecaps), I instigated spot-checks of bags and clothing. At that time, I was on questionable legal ground in demanding that pupils submit to such a search. It has taken the tragic deaths of far too many young people to get a change in the law that is supportive of Heads and other frontline staff.

  3.  My staff and I were not alone in noting this growing trend of violence in London. Of course we informed officers in the Local Education Authority, as well as our Governors. Doubtless, elected members were also informed. We even felt that the matter was sufficiently serious to inform officials at the Department for Education and Science: there was no response.

  4.  What conclusions can we draw from these events?

    (a) Violence has been around in schools for some time.

    (b) Violence, initially with blunt weapons, has increased since the 1980s.

    (c) When the problem was relatively minor, and manageable, warnings were given to those who could have initiated action. This did not happen.

    (d) Only after the problem of violence has become so much more high profile has any action been taken to enable those in the frontline to tackle it. That action is welcome, but far too late.

B.   There are undercurrents of ethnicity in the problem. The proportion of young Black African and Black Caribbean victims in London far outweighs their proportion in the population as a whole

  5.  In London, between January and September 2008, 21 young people were stabbed, 3 were shot, and 3 were murdered with glass or with blunt instruments.

  Of those 27 young victims, 11 were Black African, 10 (?) were Black Caribbean, 4 were white, 1 was Vietnamese and 1 was Sri Lankan. The table below gives details.

27 TEENAGERS, MURDERED IN LONDON IN THE FIRST NINE MONTHS OF 2008


When?
SurnameFirst Name Ethnic OriginAge How?Where?
01/01/08BOLOMBIHenry Congolese17Stabbed Edmonton
04/01/08ALIZADAFaridon Somalian18Stabbed Erith
21/01/08BODUKALouis Congolese18Stabbed Edmonton
26/01/08BURALEHFuad Somalian19Blunt object Ealing
18/02/08ESSIETSunday Nigerian15Stabbed Plumstead
02/03/08LETung Vietnamese17Stabbed Central
29/02/08NMEZUOfiyke Nigerian16Blunt object Edmonton
13/03/08JONESMichael Afr-Carib?18Stabbed Edmonton
14/03/08CLARKENicholas Afr-Carib?19Shot Stockwell
27/03/08ROACHDevoe Afr-Carib?17Stabbed Stam Hill
27/03/08ELBADAWIAmro Egyptian14Stabbed W. Kilburn
04/05/08TULLOCHLyle Afr-Carib?15Stabbed Southwark
09/05/08MIZENJimmy White16Slashed Lee
24/05/08KNOXRobert White18Stabbed Sidcup
24/05/08HASSANSharmaake Somalian17Shot Camden
02/06/08DAWITArsema Eritrean15Stabbed Lambeth
29/06/08KINSELLABen White16Stabbed Holloway
03/07/08TOWNSENDShakilus Afr-Carib?16Stabbed Croydon
07/07/08IDOWUDavid Nigerian14Stabbed Borough
10/07/08BRYANMelvin Afr-Carib?18Stabbed Edmonton
1707/08MOODYFreddy Afr-Carib?18Stabbed Lambeth
06/08/08BRAVORyan Afr-Carib?18Shot Walworth
16/08/08MURDDINilanthan Sri Lankan17Stabbed Croydon
24/08/08HENDRICKSCharles Afr-Carib?18Stabbed Walthamstow
30/08/08SMITHShaquille Afr-Carib?14Stabbed Hackney
13/09/08KINGONZILAOliver Congolese19Stabbed Croydon
25/09/08MARSHALLCraig White19Stabbed Acton



  The figures for 2007 are no less disturbing. Of the 27 teenagers who were murdered in London, 7 were Black African, 12 Black Caribbean, 4 were white and 4 were members of other ethnic groups.

  6.  The proportions of victims of different ethnic origins bear no relationship to the proportions of those groups in the population of London as a whole. For instance, the proportion of Black African young people in London is about 1%. Even in Boroughs with large Black African communities, such as Hackney, Southwark, Lambeth and Newham the proportion is nothing like the 40% of young murder victims indicated by the figures above.

  7.  In any of the public services, such a statistic would rightly be taken as evidence of racism. And yet, for the murder of Black African teenagers, the word "racism" is rarely used—unless the perpetrator is known to be white.

  8.  I can find no official statistics relating to the ethnic origin of those responsible for the murders. Such figures would be incomplete because some of the murderers have not yet been caught. Inevitably this makes conclusions difficult, but it cannot be coincidental that the perpetrators of some murders, and the suspects for others, include a disproportionately large number of black youths.

  9.  Some of the murdered teenagers were, undoubtedly, innocents who were in the wrong place at the wrong time. Equally certainly, other victims were murdered as a result of disputes between gangs. Membership of such rival gangs is related to post codes and, inevitably, that means that a large number of the members of any one gang will be of a similar ethnic origin.

  10.  The term "black-on-black" seems to be used to describe such crimes. To a layperson such as I, this seems to be a euphemism for what would be called "racism" if the perpetrator had been white. That euphemism is a serious error, because it hides one of the fundamental causes of knife crime—namely racism.

  11.  It is disturbing that, in 2008, many members of white communities seriously believe that all people with a darker skin than their own are "black" and, therefore, belong to a single ethnic community. On the other hand, many members of black communities seriously believe that the definition of racism only involves actions of white people against black people. Both viewpoints are wrong. Both viewpoints involve covert racism. Both viewpoints avoid any sort of useful debate. Both viewpoints need to be seriously and publicly challenged.

  12.  Surely it is a truism that racism is just as likely between members of different black groups, as it is between any other groups. But, in UK we have lacked the courage to even mention that fact, far less to initiate a debate. If we are not willing to even vocalise one of the most fundamental issues underlying knife crime in London, then we will never have an open and honest debate on this issue, and we shall never tackle it effectively.

  13.  What conclusions might be drawn from these statistics?

    (a) Black African teenagers are disproportionately highly represented in the list of murder victims in London in 2007 and 2008.

    (b) A fact such as this would, in other circumstances in Britain, be described as evidence of racism. In the context of teenage murders in London it is not. One possible conclusion is that the suspected murderers are themselves black—but possibly/probably/certainly of different black ethnic groups.

    (c) If this is indeed the case, then we need to be courageous enough to tackle it, because if we are not serious about asking the right questions, however painful they may be, then we shall never find the right answers.

C.   The incidence of knife crime amongst young people in UK is perceived to be far greater than in almost any other country in Europe

  14.  This statement is based upon perception, experience and anecdote, rather than hard evidence. The most recent figures available (1992) are from WHO and are of no relevance to the current problem of knife and gun crime in London.

  15.  It appears that no other country in the European Union is experiencing a spate of murders amongst its teenagers similar to that seen in UK. However, the situation is changing constantly, and up-to-date figures may tell a different story. I know, following a conversation with the Home Secretary, that such figures exist: unfortunately, they do not appear to be available to the public.

  16.  The alarming figures for knife crime are, however, symptomatic of a deeper malaise. What is not in doubt is the number of international surveys that indicate that the level of child well-being in UK is at a significantly lower level than other countries in Western Europe and elsewhere.

  For instance, a recent UNICEF Report (2007) Child Poverty in Perspective: An overview of child well-being in rich countries, suggested that, in terms of children's happiness and well-being, the UK was 21st out of 21 affluent countries.

  Other recent reports suggest that there is (a) more bullying amongst school children in UK than in most other countries, and (b) that young people in UK are generally ruder, more aggressive and less well-disciplined than their contemporaries in almost any other country.

  Another report, this time from the IPPR (2006) "Freedom's Orphans: raising youth in a changing world" indicated that adults in Britain seem reluctant to tackle the issues, for instance, the authors state that:

    "... compared to adults in other countries, adults in Britain are less likely to intervene in youth violence and antisocial behaviour and are more likely to blame young people for their behaviour".

  17.  These comments compare UK very unfavourably with other countries. Doubtless, those other countries are by no means perfect in the ways that they bring up their young people, but they seem a great deal less imperfect than UK. At the very least, we should be asking ourselves some harsh questions instead, of being in denial.

  What is it that people in other countries are doing to enable their young people to grow-up in a calmer and, apparently, happier environment, without resorting to violence? Is the truth that, in Britain, we neither know nor care? If that really is true then we should not be surprised if a growing number of our young people become tangled in the web of violence.

  18.  Researchers from York University's Social Policy Research Unit conducted a survey, in order to address the findings of the UNICEF (2007) report. In their report "A comparison of Polices designed to Enhance Child well-being", the authors (Cusworth, L and Bradshaw, J) (December 2007) summarised their findings from the child-rearing policies of six countries who were near the top of the UNICEF league table. They commented that, in Anglophone countries ...

    "... children tend to be `seen and not heard', considered a disruption to adult life, even a threat. This is reflected in the welcome we give children in, for example, hotels and restaurants, on public transport, even in cities, towns and neighbourhoods".

  19.  What conclusions might we draw from this?

    (a) The context of life for young people in UK and thus, presumably, London, seems to be less satisfying than that in other similar countries.

    (b) What evidence there is seems to suggest that other countries do not experience the level of youth violence that we have in UK.

    (c) We should be honest enough to ask ourselves whether an apparent greater level of happiness in children may be related to a greater level of violence.

D.   In order to tackle knife crime effectively, we need to change the pervasive culture of violence in UK: merely applying draconian sanctions to those who carry knives, or use them as weapons, is not enough

  20.  What do we believe about sanctions? In the last 30 years, governments have made significant changes to ways in which discipline can be exercised in UK. The reasoning behind the political action was that self-discipline is far more effective than externally-imposed discipline. That viewpoint was reasonable, but the practical implications of such a major change of culture were ill-conceived, and the procedures for its implementation were catastrophic for young people.

  21.  Ironically, senior politicians from the parties that demanded the wholesale changes in sanctions over the last 30 years are now resorting to soundbites demanding tough punishments for those who carry knives. It seems that the argument about self-discipline is no longer appropriate.

  22.  Of course we are all serious about the need to tackle knife crime in UK—but before we can do that we need to have some idea of its causes—and we don't. We may suggest that it is something to do with family breakdown, or a lack of discipline, or inadequate opportunities for young people, or a multicultural society, or the Human Rights Act, or an absence of good role models for young people.

  23.  But surely, if the cause of the increase in knife murders in London is one, or some, or all of the above, then it is self-evident that longer prison sentences for those who carry or use knives will not cure the problem. If any of the above have contributed to the increase in violence amongst young people then we need to recognise that it is today's adults who have provided the context in which society's inadequacies have developed. We cannot blame young people for the prolonged complacency and misplaced priorities on the part of adults over the last 30 years. But we still do.

  24.  The question "Why is knife crime happening?" will raise answers that we do not want to hear, suggest solutions with uncomfortable implications, and be unpopular, because they will imply that we have got things wrong. Hitherto, we have lacked the courage to ask the questions, far less to address the answers.

E.   The Future—developing the right strategy

  25.  The serious rise in knife crime in London and other large cities, is significantly greater than in most other parts of the country. Perhaps it would be more accurate to suggest that the situation in most urban areas in UK in 2008 is no worse that it was in London 30 years ago. There are no grounds for complacency in that statement.

  26.  Who must be involved in finding a solution to the epidemic of knife crime? Most of us. Not just those who live in London.

  This problem was caused, at least in part, by decision-makers thinking that they knew best. Twenty years ago, they were warned of increasing violence on the streets. Those warnings were ignored. For too long there has been no listening, no joined-up thinking and thus, no effective action.

  The cynical view is that the problem was not bad enough 20 years ago. It is only now, when we face the appalling reality of 50 teenage bodies on cold mortuary slabs in London that there is an incentive to do something.

  The solution that we find this time round needs to make a difference to the lives of young people in London, and it also needs to be capable of being rolled-out into other parts of the country as necessary.

  Who can help us to find the answers? There are plenty of experts available. That list includes the professionals such as police, probation officers, the judiciary, hospital staff, academics and clergy, and elected representatives.

  But the list should also include:

    (a) those who tackle the problem with young people on the streets, they are literally at the sharp end;

    (b) those who live in the desolate and soulless estates where crime flourishes, and who have to find strategies to survive;

    (c) the young people themselves—including the disaffected, disillusioned, disenfranchised and discarded youth of Britain. Some of them will be inarticulate, bitter, hostile and difficult to approach, and yet they must be heard if we are serious about finding a solution; and

    (d) those from other countries who seem to manage the difficulties of adolescence so much more effectively and compassionately than we do.

  27.  What will an effective solution look like?

    (a) IT will be a "WE must" solution—not a "YOU must" solution and definitely not a "THEY must" solution. Nothing useful will be achieved merely by mandating action.

    (b) It will involve elements of:

    (i)  EDUCATION;

    (ii)  EXAMPLE;

    (iii)  ENTERTAINMENT;

    (iv)  ETHNICITY; and

    (v)  self-ESTEEM.

  28.  There are no quick-fix solutions to the complacency of a previous generation of decision-makers. The strategies that are needed will include:

    (a) Preventative methods for changing the culture that has allowed violence to continue unabated on our streets.

    Younger children need to feel involved, encouraged and excited by their world. That may be a statement of the obvious, and yet it is rarely a reality for many of the young children in the most deprived parts of UK.

    In order to achieve this, adults need to:

    —  provide educational programmes in school that encourage positive approaches to conflict resolution;

    —  give opportunities for young people to take part in stimulating and celebratory activities in and out of school—traditional as well as innovative (sports, music, drama, adventure, cadet activities);

    —  develop incentives for charismatic sports (and other) personalities to be forceful and positive role-models to young people;

    —  encourage all sections of our society, including the media, to celebrate the many positive achievements of young people, rather than to gloat over their failures, and indulge in eternal criticism when they are not perfect;

    —  decide whether we really are satisfied with the message that our addiction to violent entertainment gives to our young people.

    (b) Effective sanctions:

    Of course we need tough sanctions for those who use knives. We also need a series of progressively stronger sanctions for those who carry knives and other offensive weapons. Clearly structured schemes work well. I know, because I have introduced them with some success in tough schools in London. Why do they work? Because they because they are based on the principle that young people know where they stand. That is something that we have not yet managed to achieve in UK in the 21st century.

  We can get results that will make a lasting difference. Indeed, we must.

  Knife crime is a symptom. Let's tackle its causes instead of providing macho soundbites. Then, and only then, will we have a chance of making our streets safer for our young people.

December 2008





 
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