Written evidence submitted by Rev Emmanuel
Odoemene
NIGERIA AND THE GOOD GOVERNANCE AGENDA: THE
RHETORIC AND REALITY
INTRODUCTION
"Good governance" is a versatile development
concept. It is seen by DFID and other bi-lateral and multi-lateral
agencies as central to poverty reduction and their foreign policy
direction. It encourages participatory democracy, accountability,
transparency, rule of law, human rights and institutional building.
DFID believes that development does not happen without effective
states, capable of delivering services to the citizens and helping
economies to grow (DFID White Paper, 2006). All this is achievable
through the application of good governance. Nigeria's case study
reveals sharp dichotomy between policy statements (rhetoric) and
practical realities. Poor service delivery of government agencies
and lack of visionary leadership impact adversely on many spheres
of governance including:
— public infrastructure/social services;
— professionalism in the armed forces and
police;
— issues of ethnicity and religion; and
— insecurity in the Niger Delta.
2. Nigeria's current fourth democratic experience
inaugurated on 29 May 1999, is modelled on the American presidential
system of government. It has three tires: the federal, the state
and the local governments. Nigeria comprises of 36 States and
774 local government areas. The federal level has a bi-cameral
legislature—the Senate and the House of Representatives;
the States have governors, deputy governors and members of the
Houses of Assembly; whilst the Chairmen, vice Chairmen and the
councillors oversee the affairs at the local government level.
All these are elective positions. As a multi-party democracy,
these positions are keenly contested during elections conducted
by the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC. In the
current dispensation, INEC has conducted three elections (in 1999,
2003 and 2007). Each of these has been adjudged by both domestic
and foreign observers as seriously flawed, resulting into several
court cases, annulment by the election tribunals and lack of confidence
in the electoral commission (International Crisis Group, 2007).
As many as six governors, several senators and other (s)elected
officials have had their elections upturned either by the tribunal,
the court of Appeal or by the Supreme Court. There is need, therefore,
to strengthen the electoral system to be able to conduct free
and fair election. The present administration realises that this
is one of the greatest challenges facing it and has gone ahead
to inaugurate a committee for the reform of the electoral system.
It is left to see to what extent the recommendation of the committee
will be accepted and implemented.
3. In need of urgent review is the constitution
foisted on the "civilian" government by the military
in 1999. Faulted as having many internal contradictions and sections
that negate transparency, the legislature for implausible reasons
has allowed the document for too long without review. It is arguable
whether the immediate past government headed by Olusegun Obasanjo
was unfavourably disposed to constitutional review. Obasanjo is
a product of the military and one-time military Head of State.
He was accused of "executive lawlessness" because of
his penchant to disobey court rulings and to emasculate the legislature.
Some of his excesses stemming from his inability to shed off military
mentality were overlooked just for the sake of "protecting
our nascent democracy". During his tenure in office, he was
once involved in an uncouth behaviour of flogging a policeman
at a public function. This created a negative image both for the
presidency and the police force, which together with the military,
are in dire need of entrenching professionalism. The constitution
confers immunity from prosecution on the president and his vice,
as well as the governors and their deputies, whilst in office.
This is an open door for corruption. As many as seven erstwhile
governors (who served for two terms 1999—2007) are currently
facing charges for corruption and abuse of office. Whilst some
have been granted bail, others are still remanded in prison custody.
Unwilling to abide by the rule of law, a couple of these governors
have jumped bail, whilst charges proffered against one of them
conclusively resulted into his conviction, prison sentence and
loot recovery. But, there is still much to be done especially
as the anti-corruption agencies (notably the Economic and Financial
Crimes Commission) are accused of being a tool for witch-hunting
political opponents and also selective in their activities. There
is need to strengthen these agencies and to make them as independent
as possible from government interference and control.
4. The complicity of the police in bribery and
corruption has made the fight against corruption more difficult.
There are bad elements within the police rank and file, involving
both senior and junior officers. Police officers indiscriminately
mount road blocks with old drums and woods and set bonfires on
the road sides. At these arbitrary checkpoints, they openly collect
bribes from motorists. Perhaps, the police in Nigeria have lost
integrity more than any other group of public functionaries. A
former police boss, Tafa Balogun was disgraced out of office for
stealing billions of naira meant for police welfare. He was later
prosecuted, convicted and jailed. Political observers reckon that
the jail sentence of six months he received was inadequate for
the magnitude of his offence in order to serve as deterrent to
others. There is the perception that the "Nigerian law"
is a respecter of persons; as some individuals who are patrons
to some government officials conduct themselves in a way that
is inconsistent with the rule of law and go unpunished. This attitude
exposes the judiciary to ridicule. In prisons across the country,
several thousands of inmates are indefinitely condemned on the
"awaiting trial" list, simply because they do not have
"godfathers" who can intervene on their behalf to secure
their freedom. "Godfatherism" is commonly used in Nigeria
to refer to the situation of having somebody who is either in
government, or closely connected to someone in government who
can influence decision. It also expresses the phenomenon whereby
a political contractor sponsors a candidate to ascend an influential
political position and then calls the shot for his `political
godson'. The direct consequence of this is the shift of allegiance
and accountability from the wider community (the electorate) to
the individual contractor as state funds are dissipated in servicing
this weird arrangement.
5. Overall, politicians mismanage state funds
with impunity. Their lifestyle is offensively ostentatious. Amongst
the political class, contests for political offices are usually
fierce. There is evidence of unhealthy rivalry: too many unresolved
political murder cases. The winners have a certain mentality:
winner-takes-all. Moreover, a situation whereby the State affairs
are conducted in secrecy leaves much to be desired. In Nigeria,
a certain government expenditure dubbed "security vote"
exists, of which the exact amount is unknown and unaccounted for.
Due to the lack of political will, the legislature has not risen
to the occasion to pass the "Freedom of Information Bill"
into an "Act", thereby exacerbating the practice of
governance by concealment. Besides, the award of contracts reveals
the breach of due process in many cases. Family members, friends
and associates of political office holders are generally favoured
and contracts are awarded to them at highly inflated rates; evidence
of neo-patrimonial politics. In some instances, most of these
contracts are either poorly executed, or just after mobilization
at site, the contractors disappear. This could easily explain
why there are so many abandoned projects in the country. The official
who has compromised his position lacks the moral authority to
seek for redress. It is important to tighten the loopholes through
which public funds are mismanaged, and demand better governance
and public accountability. What we have is a government that seems
disconnected from the people it is meant to serve, especially
as it affects local governance. More than 70% of the population,
just under 150 million (BBC Country Profile), live in the local
communities. Agriculture accounts for about 90% of the rural workforce;
80% of the poverty is concentrated in the rural areas where farmers,
pastoralist and petty traders live. To promote economic governance,
therefore, modernization of agriculture is essential. Empowerment
through micro-credits is also desirable. Similarly, these rural
communities most of them lacking in basic social infrastructure,
need improvement in the arena of social governance. The provision
of schools, hospitals, electricity, and potable water and road
networks would greatly enhance the quality of life and the overall
human development index (HDI), of which in the current ranking,
Nigeria places at miserable 158th position or 0.470 score, despite
its oil wealth.
6. Oil and gas—non-renewable resources
account for 97% of foreign exchange revenues of the country. Despite
the blessings, there is evidence of natural resource curse. In
the Niger Delta, comprising of nine States, there is a complex
brew of political, social, economic and environmental factors
resulting from oil and gas exploration. Poor local governance,
social instability, competition for economic resources, and environmental
degradation have taken a toll (UNDP, 2006). Each of these is a
huge area which DFID's inquiry appropriately targets. Of serious
concern, however, is the collapse of law and order, engineered
by the local militia groups, intent at destabilizing peace and
security in the region. Long years of neglect and conflict have
fostered a siege mentality, especially among youths who feel that
they are condemned to an insecure future, and see conflict as
a strategy to escape deprivation. At present, hostage-taking is
rampant with its attendant consequences: stress and anxiety on
the foreign captives, their families and the companies they work
for; dwindling foreign direct investment and challenges to international
diplomacy. Nevertheless, the oil companies must rise up to their
social responsibility to these neglected communities. Steps must
be taken to demobilize and disarm the militia groups, especially
when the wider context of international terrorism is considered.
It is incumbent upon the government to seek creative solutions
for the grievances of the communities who feel alienated from
the benefits of the resources taken from their land. To say the
least, the Niger Delta presents a baffling paradox of our time:
a despised goose that lays the golden egg. It is a test case of
good governance principles.
7. Nigeria, unable to celebrate its rich cultural
diversity, finds issues of ethnicity and religion as obstacles
to achieving good governance. Aside from the three major tribes:
Igbo in the south East, Yoruba in the West and Hausa/Fulani in
the North, there are other 250 ethnic and linguistic divides.
These various groups have had difficulties cohabiting together.
The Igbo under the name Biafra, fought a secessionist war against
Nigeria (1967-1970), but failed in its bid for independence. Although,
colonial influences are responsible for the accidental union of
the major ethnic nationalities in Nigeria, and indeed in other
parts of Africa, the situation presents a challenge to view the
diversity as avenue to nurture the spirit of communality and build
more social capital. The same applies to religion. Since the major
religions in the country, namely, Christianity, Islam and Traditional
religion, uphold the virtues of peace, love and tolerance, their
adherents must necessarily appropriate this faith ethos and express
it in the conduct of their daily lives. Given the ease with which
religious conflicts erupt in the country, creating a ministry
of national integration to foster community cohesion, social solidarity
and minority rights protection, would be a step in the right direction.
The leaders of the different religious groups should also intensify
efforts to promote inter-religious dialogue.
8. As good governance and development are mutually
reinforcing, a critical challenge which confronts the present
administration of Umaru Yar'Adua, is how to strengthen public
institutions and agencies to make the best use of resources at
their disposal to serve the citizens within a reasonable time
frame. Nigeria is in dire need of infrastructural development:
an educational system uninterrupted by strike; well-equipped hospitals;
stable electricity supply; efficient transportation networks,
including railways and functional refineries. These are some of
the measurements of State capability within the latitude of good
governance. Employment opportunities would be generated when these
sectors are made to work, just as the rate of migration would
significantly be reduced.
9. The current fourth republic that was
inaugurated on 29 May 1999 is the longest democratic experience
Nigeria has ever had since her independence, 1 October 1960. The
incursion of the military in governance robbed the country of
the opportunity to cultivate a democratic culture. For the 28-year
period that the military ruled the country, there was gross abuse
of human rights, media censorship and callous looting of the State
treasury. A role-enhanced capable state that is at the same time
protective, redistributive and developmental is envisioned. Despite
the threats to achieving it, there is new opportunity for Nigeria
to consolidate the gains of democracy that can guarantee internal
stability, as well as a respectable image in the eyes of the international
community. The good governance framework offers this opportunity.
Its validity and versatility challenge all spheres of national
life: in fostering sound policies for sustainable development;
strengthening weak institutions for effective and efficient service
delivery; boosting the morale of the civil service; indeed, in
raising the scale of the processes of governance for pro-poor
growth. These objectives are by no means easy to meet. Nevertheless,
with men and women of vision, they are achievable. It is for the
Nigerian government to determine what could be achieved in short,
medium or long term arrangement, with sustained external pressure.
In the perspective of globalization, the task is now more urgent
considering the targets and the timeline set for the attainment
of the millennium development goals.
February 2008
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