Memorandum submitted by London School
of Economics and Political Science
DEVOLUTION—THE
LONDON REFORM
The Greater London Authority (consisting of
the Mayor of London and the London Assembly) was created a year
after the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly. Although
the new London arrangements resulted indirectly from the decision
to abolish the Greater London Council in 1986, the reform of London
government involved the devolution of power from a number of Whitehall
departments to the new authority. While not "constitutional"
in the same way as the Scottish and Welsh reforms, there were
elements of constitutional reform in the new London settlement.
THE GREATER
LONDON AUTHORITY
The GLA, as stated above, consisted of a directly-elected
executive mayor and an assembly to provide oversight of the mayor's
policies, budgets and services. This kind of mayor was very different
to the traditional ceremonial mayor in England & Wales. The
Mayor of London was, in reality, an American import which was
intended by the government to provide a visible figurehead for
the capital's government. Because of London's population (now
7.5 million) and its importance within the United Kingdom the
scale of the mandate is significant.
The GLA assumed responsibility for a major part
of the capital's transport services, for spatial planning, for
part of economic development provision and, in a less direct way,
for fire & emergency services and the police. The Mayor of
London appoints some or all of the boards of the four `functional
bodies' (Transport for London, the London Development Agency,
the London Fire & Emergency Planning Authority and the Metropolitan
Police Authority) that come within the GLA's ambit. The Mayor
also sets the budget of these institutions.
Funding for the GLA bodies is provided by government
grants, charges for services (ie transport fares and the congestion
charge) and from a council tax precept. Compared with the Scottish
and Welsh governments, the Mayor of London enjoys rather greater
access to both a tax source and to charges.
THE GLA'S
FIRST EIGHT
YEARS
Following the recent election, the first change
of mayor has occurred at London's City Hall. Like its predecessor
the GLC, the GLA has proved a politically plural institution,
in the sense that both the Labour and Conservative parties have
been able to win control of it. The London Assembly, which is
elected using the same form of proportional representation as
is used in Scotland \and Wales, has not yet provided one party
with a majority of its 25 members. Indeed, it is unlikely ever
to do so.
The Greater London Authority, consisting of
the Mayor and Assembly has, by the standards of many British government
reforms, been a reasonable success. There is no serious lobby
to abolish it. London has regained its self-government and, to
a significant extent, civic self-esteem. There is more accountability
for transport, the police and planning than when such services
were embedded within Whitehall. It would, of course, be possible
to make improvements to the 2000 arrangements.
The Greater London Authority Act, 2007 extended
devolution beyond the powers given to the Mayor in 2000. First,
the GLA was given responsibility for the allocation of resources
for social and "affordable" housing, previously in the
hands of the Housing Corporation. The Mayor was also given increased
potential powers to intervene in boroughs' housing plans if these
do not conform with his housing strategy. Second, the Mayor's
planning responsibilities were extended so as to give City Hall
development control powers over larger developments. In future,
the Mayor would be able to give planning permission for major
schemes even if the local borough rejected them. Third, the Mayor
was made chair of a new London Waste and Recycling Board. Fourth,
the Mayor was given new powers to direct the policy of the fire
authority. Fifth, strategic direction over funding for skills
and training was transferred to the GLA, with the Mayor to chair
a new London Skills and Employment Board. Finally, the Mayor was
also given the right to make additional appointments to the boards
of functional bodies and, if he chose to do so, chair the police
authority.
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
AND REFORMS
The creation of the Greater London Authority,
including a directly-elected executive mayor, was intended by
the government to be a radical "presidential" import
into the British political system. In the longer term, there would
be arguments for legislative change to strengthen the institutions
created in 2000 to make it operate more effectively in the way
American political institutions are intended to.
When it is next decided to review the GLA legislation,
the government will almost certainly be encouraged to consider
a number of improvements. For example, the Assembly could be given
an enhanced "legislative" role and there could be an
end to Assembly members sitting on the boards of functional bodies
the Assembly itself is required to scrutinize. The government
could reconsider the issue of whether the Mayor needs to be responsible
for all staff appointments to deliver his policy programme. The
question of term limits could be re-examined, given the extent
of the personal power in the hands of the Mayor.
Any future reform of London government could
reasonably consider the question of whether more "Whitehall"
provision could be transferred to the GLA. The funding and oversight
of the NHS, commuter railways within London, full responsibility
for the police and an effective system of local taxation would
all be candidates for reform. Wales (with a population of 3 million)
and Scotland (5 million) each enjoy far greater autonomy than
London (7.5 million). Now the Mayor and Assembly are properly
embedded and functional, a wider devolution of central government
power to London is surely a possibility.
Tony Travers
July 2008
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