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Westminster Hall

Wednesday 17 March 2010

[Mr. Joe Benton in the Chair]

Migrant Domestic Workers (Visas)

Motion made, and Question proposed, That the sitting be now adjourned.-(David Wright.)

9.30 am

Martin Salter (Reading, West) (Lab): It is a pleasure to be under your guidance, Mr. Benton, for what is probably the last Adjournment debate of my time in Parliament. I am particularly pleased to have the opportunity to praise the work of not only some superb non-governmental organisations active on this issue but those right hon. and hon. Members who have been more involved with the subject than I have been.

I am a member of the Select Committee on Home Affairs, which in 2008 produced a strong and hard-hitting report on the obscenity of human trafficking. The title of this debate refers to visa rights for migrant domestic workers, but it will become apparent that what we are actually discussing is a secret slavery taking place a stone's throw away from this building. For the most abused groups of vulnerable workers, the dark ages are still happening, just around the corner from this mother of Parliaments. It is a scar on this country that such things occur within our borders; it is certainly a scar on the conscience of the diplomatic missions that use diplomatic immunity and their privileged position to treat fellow human beings in the most appalling, disgusting, dehumanising and disgraceful manner. It must stop. That will be the thrust of my contribution and, I am sure, the contributions made by other right hon. and hon. Members.

Before I come to the substance of the debate, I would like to thank Kalayaan for its work. Kalayaan is a charity offering direct support to migrant domestic workers. It was instrumental in arguing for the new migrant domestic worker visa, which has worked, as I will demonstrate, but which sadly does not extend to migrant domestic workers employed in diplomatic missions. Kalayaan runs advice sessions with a focus on immigration and employment, as well as an excellent community centre, which I had the privilege to visit the other week. It also runs activities for clients, including English classes, training, and confidence building workshops. It hosts a social area, too-a safe space where migrant domestic workers can meet other people and access advice and support away from the ever-watchful eyes of their wealthy employers.

The newspapers are full of criticism of my trade union, Unite-the old Transport and General Workers Union-of which I am proud to be a member, as I will be until my dying day. I pay tribute to the work of Diana Holland of Unite, who has made the issue of migrant domestic workers a personal crusade. I am delighted that she might be heartened, depending on the Minister's answers-I know that he wants to agree with me-by the continued progress that we could make on the issue if we used the powers available to us.


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The issue involves the abuse of some of the most vulnerable people in our country, if not our society-they are barely in our society. For many of us on the left side of politics, such issues are what brought us into public life and politics in the first place. However, of course, concern does not exist only on the left. We must acknowledge the huge contribution made by the hon. Member for Totnes (Mr. Steen)-I want to call him my hon. Friend-who chairs the all-party parliamentary group on the trafficking of women and children. It is probably one of our most active all-party groups and has an impressive track record, having organised an important meeting with the Minister on 24 November to highlight the abuse of migrant domestic workers and the workings of the migrant domestic worker visa system. His response is still sought.

I understand that the all-party group has set up 11 such groups in Parliaments across Europe. That is a genuine example of how the much-maligned all-party parliamentary group system can forge important links across national boundaries.

Mr. Anthony Steen (Totnes) (Con) rose-

Martin Salter: It is my great privilege to give way to the hon. Gentleman.

Mr. Steen: I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman-my hon. Friend, if I may call him that. We all feel great affection for the Minister. We enjoy his company and think that he does a jolly good job. It is true that on 24 November, I took a delegation of some of the most senior people in this House and the House of Lords, along with representatives from Kalayaan-a group to which I pay tribute-to see him and explain to him the terrible problem of domestic slavery among diplomatic overseas staff. He understood the point, and the group and I were left in no doubt that he would act on it. However, lovely as it is to see him here, I hope that he will be able to tell us that today is his opportunity to put matters right.

Martin Salter: I thank the hon. Gentleman for that intervention. I remain optimistic that when the Minister hears the power of our arguments, he will cast aside the bleating and whining of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and other powerful vested interests, be forthright and join us as a brother in arms on the issue. I have no doubt about it; at least, I certainly hope that he will if he wants to stay on my Christmas card list.

Before 1997-this is not a party political point-migrant domestic workers had virtually no rights. They were brought into this country by wealthy foreign nationals, and probably by even wealthier British expats, who, I am assured, like continuity in their domestic servants. There was no specific visa. Migrant domestic workers were often given a bizarre "to work with" stamp on their passports. It was a grey area. Alternatively, they were brought in on tourist visas and encouraged to overstay, as they would then have absolutely no rights. Their passports were often confiscated, leaving them totally in thrall to their employers. Migrant domestic workers' undocumented status effectively created a bonded labour scheme, which was undoubtedly a trigger for abuse.

In the 1997 manifesto, the Labour party committed to introducing a new migrant domestic worker visa that would allow workers independence from their employers.
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It was launched in 1998. I have no doubt that a Government of almost any political persuasion would have wanted to address the issue, but it is to the credit of this Government and the Minister's colleagues that the visa was introduced.

The migrant domestic worker visa is now issued to people entering the UK accompanying an employer to work in the employer's private household. It provides protection against abuse. It provides formal recognition of migrants as workers and allows them to change employers, although not their work sector. Migrant domestic workers are therefore no longer bonded to a specific employer. It was a civilising and thoroughly laudable change, introduced by this Government.

The visa may be renewed annually, provided that the worker continues to be employed full time as a domestic worker in a private household. It provides an escape route from bonded labour for people suffering abuse. I will cite some harrowing case studies later to illustrate what types of abuse occur. Nevertheless, migrant domestic workers across the piece still experience high levels of abuse and exploitation. There is now at least an escape route through the visa system, but that system does not apply to the staff of diplomatic missions. That will be the nub of my argument.

Things nearly went wrong. In 2006, the Government introduced the points-based system, which the Home Affairs Committee considered in some detail. For some reason, initial proposals were made to abolish the migrant domestic worker visa, which would have resulted in the loss of the current protection for migrant domestic workers, who instead would have had to enter the UK on a six-month, non-renewable visa that would tie them completely to their employer and give them no effective access to UK law. However, following campaigning by the all-party group and Kalayaan, the Government gave a welcome response.

In 2008, the Government response to a consultation on visitors to the UK gave a commitment to retaining the migrant domestic worker visa, at least until spring 2011. I shall read into the record the response from the Minister's predecessor, my right hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Hodge Hill (Mr. Byrne):

He confirmed that point in a follow-up letter to Diana Holland of Unite, so it is on the record that the Government are committed to that policy, at least until 2011.

Today, the Minister can not only commit this Government to the policy, but say that he will tie the hands of a future Government so that they have to continue with it, because it works. By tying the hands of a future Government, we might untie the hands of people who are forced into mediaeval, feudal slavery. I hope that he will rise to that challenge.


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If hon. Members will bear with me, I wish to share some horrific case studies. I apologise for going on at length, Mr. Benton, but this is an important issue and I wish to put the case studies on the record. I am indebted to Kalayaan for this information. I will cite four examples: two from the domestic sector and two from the diplomatic sector. The names have been changed for obvious reasons.

The first case study gives proof that the visa works if the domestic worker understands the rights that they can access. It is the story of Rosy, who comes from Nigeria:

She went on to work in difficult circumstances.

In 2004, Rosy was offered work in London for people who needed a domestic worker:

This is the shocking part:

The lawyer did not open the door. Rosy goes on:


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Hon. Members need to appreciate that without the migrant domestic worker visa, there would have been no opportunity to access the employment rights or the legal protection that other workers enjoy.

Rosy continues:

That was Rosy's story.

The next story is from the diplomatic sector. The name has again been changed for fear of reprisals. Aliah jumped at the opportunity to work for a diplomat posted to the embassy of a middle eastern country in London, but her dream job soon turned into a nightmare. She found herself trapped for six months in slavery with an employer who routinely abused her. She says:


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That means that Aliah's employers have escaped punishment and it is impossible for her to receive the compensation and justice that she deserves.

There are countless other cases. I have information about a lady called Chinue from Kenya who was beaten appallingly and psychologically abused by her employer. Luckily, she has been able to find work through the POPPY project and has put her life back on track again. Another case concerns Maria from the Philippines, who worked for the family of a diplomat in his home and agreed to accompany him to London. The conditions were nothing like she expected. She had to sleep on the floor in the hallway outside the bathroom, and she was made to sign something that stated she was receiving more salary than she was. She was forced to work for 18 hours a day, and she was shouted at and called an illiterate idiot or mountain folk by the diplomat's wife.

Maria came to Kalayaan for advice when she discovered that her only choice was to return to the Philippines because her visa does not cover the diplomatic area. She was distraught at that news. Things got worse in the house. Two months later, Maria was physically attacked by the diplomat's wife who tried to slash her with a kitchen knife, and Maria fled. She took a case against her employer, but settled for a very low amount because she wanted to move on with her life.

David Simpson (Upper Bann) (DUP): I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on obtaining this important Adjournment debate. It is good to hear the news that the Government will extend the visa scheme until 2011. I sympathise with the hon. Gentleman because we have had four similar cases in my constituency. Does he agree that it is essential we get this right, because we cannot operate some of our most essential services in Great Britain without these people?

Martin Salter: I agree entirely. I thank the hon. Gentleman for his contribution and for confirming that the problem is clearly not just confined to London-unless he has moved constituencies. It is useful to hear that such an appalling situation is widespread, as it puts more pressure on the Minister to respond publicly.

Mr. Steen: Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

Martin Salter: Very briefly.

Mr. Steen: The hon. Gentleman need not rush. There is plenty of time and everyone wants to hear what he has to say-I certainly do. May I just mention that the problem is not confined to women? Men are abused too. I recollect that a man who was a diplomatic driver for an embassy spent his life in a garage, where he slept. Does the hon. Gentleman know about that case?


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