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Crime and Security Bill

Crime and Security Bill



The Committee consisted of the following Members:

Chairmen: Sir Nicholas Winterton, † Frank Cook
Baldry, Tony (Banbury) (Con)
Brake, Tom (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD)
Brokenshire, James (Hornchurch) (Con)
Burns, Mr. Simon (West Chelmsford) (Con)
Campbell, Mr. Alan (Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department)
Dobbin, Jim (Heywood and Middleton) (Lab/Co-op)
Flello, Mr. Robert (Stoke-on-Trent, South) (Lab)
Hanson, Mr. David (Minister for Policing, Crime and Counter-Terrorism)
Hogg, Mr. Douglas (Sleaford and North Hykeham) (Con)
Iddon, Dr. Brian (Bolton, South-East) (Lab)
McDonagh, Siobhain (Mitcham and Morden) (Lab)
McIsaac, Shona (Cleethorpes) (Lab)
Oaten, Mr. Mark (Winchester) (LD)
Rosindell, Andrew (Romford) (Con)
Seabeck, Alison (Plymouth, Devonport) (Lab)
Watts, Mr. Dave (Lord Commissioner of Her Majesty's Treasury)
Alan Sandall, Committee Clerk
† attended the Committee

Public Bill Committee

Tuesday 2 February 2010

(Morning)

[Frank Cook in the Chair]

Crime and Security Bill

Written evidence to be reported to the House
CR 04 Automobile Association (AA)
10.30 am
James Brokenshire (Hornchurch) (Con): On a point of order, Mr. Cook. I welcome you to the Chair of the Committee. You will probably be aware that there is a ways and means resolution relating to the Bill scheduled for debate on the Floor of the House on Thursday. However, it appears that, if there were a statement on the Floor of the House, members of the Committee would not be able to take part in the discussion of the ways and means resolution. Have you received any representations on the timing of that debate, or any other aspect, in terms of the ability for members of the Committee to participate, given that the matter is directly relevant to the Bill? It seems strange that the debate is scheduled at potentially the same time as the Committee is sitting, with members of the Committee unable to participate in one or the other.
The Chairman: I have had no notice of that, but I will do whatever is necessary to try to discover what the position is. I have to say, as one who has been here for 27 years, that that is not a novel situation—it has happened on many occasions in the past. I will do whatever I can to discover the circumstances.

Clause 1

Records of searches
James Brokenshire: I beg to move amendment 1, in clause 1, page 1, line 6, at end insert
‘which may be made by electronic record or by the recording of a telecommunications message containing the relevant details.’.
The Chairman: With this it will be convenient to discuss amendment 51, in clause 1, page 2, line 1, after ‘vehicle,’, insert
‘the stated name and address of the person searched,’.
Amendment 52, in clause 1, page 2, line 9, leave out from ‘as’ to ‘perceived’ in line 10.
James Brokenshire: It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr. Cook. We have a number of matters to debate, some of which, I am sure, Her Majesty’s Opposition will scrutinise in a very productive and positive way. Certain provisions later in the Bill are likely to prove much more controversial, and we look forward to those important debates.
The culture of bureaucracy that has grown up under this Government is clearly a big issue. It was interesting to note the evidence given to the Committee last week by Paul McKeever, the chairman of the Police Federation, who said:
“If you look at police bureaucracy generally, there is an awful lot of it out there, and it would take an awful lot more than just dealing with stop-and-search to put it right.”——[Official Report, Crime and Security Public Bill Committee, 26 January 2010; c. 13, Q30.]
However, we are dealing with stop-and-search specifically in clause 1. It is important that steps are taken to deal with some of the bureaucracy—the form-filling requirements and the paperwork—that sits alongside powers of stop-and-search under the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 and the associated regulatory burden. The Conservatives would go further than the Government propose. That is part of the reason for tabling the amendment. We also believe that the bureaucratic requirements and the paperwork relating to stop-and-account are too onerous and question whether they add a great deal in terms of police intelligence information, or the need for proper assessments on how the police utilise those powers.
There is a clear need for the police to have the right to stop and search someone for stolen or prohibited items if they have reasonable suspicion, which is what the powers under section 1 of PACE allow. Carrying out searches to identify whether people are carrying drugs or weapons in our community is clearly useful. It is certainly a significant power and is heavily utilised: in 2007-08, 1,035,438 people were stopped and searched under section 1 of PACE and connected powers under the Firearms Act 1968 and the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971. Thinking about the regulatory burden and the attached paperwork, we note that Sir Ronnie Flanagan’s interim report on policing suggested that the total recording and administration time for a stop-and-search form was 25 minutes. In that context, we also have to consider that about 11 per cent. of those stopped and searched are arrested as a result of the search. It is interesting to consider the important role that technology can play in recording information taken on stops-and-searches.
When I have patrolled with the police, it has been interesting to see the powers used in connection with drugs dogs, for example: if a drugs dog indicates that someone might be in possession of an illicit substance, obviously a stop-and-search should be conducted because that is reasonable suspicion. Therefore, on such operations, it is understandable that there is significant use of stop-and-search if grounds for reasonable suspicion have been identified. However, there needs to be clear trust and confidence on the part of the community in how the power is used.
Section 1 of PACE was, in part, a response to the Scarman report on the Brixton riots and, therefore, the need to retain trust and confidence in how the police use the powers, which are obviously potentially intrusive. Knife arches and other electronic scanners may have made them slightly less intrusive in terms of avoiding the necessity for a pat-down search, but such searches are still utilised and still needed, so there is a need for trust and confidence in how the police organise searches and how they utilise their powers. That feeds into how data are recorded and utilised. The practice of recording stop-and-account was developed after the Macpherson report into the killing of Stephen Lawrence, and there is a similar desire to give trust and confidence to the community on the levels of information recorded to ensure that those powers are used appropriately.
What is the appropriate level of reporting on stops-and-searches to provide that confidence and how can reporting be conducted so as not to impede operational police requirements unnecessarily? The balance is reflected in clause 1 and amendment 1. The concept is recognised in Sir Ronnie Flanagan’s report on policing and Jan Berry’s review on reducing police bureaucracy. She gave evidence to the Committee last week and is the Government’s police bureaucracy tsar. Information relating to stops-and-searches needs to be recorded, but the current process is simply too bureaucratic.
Amendment 1 would ensure that the information may be recorded by means other than written notification—the completion of a form. In other words, it clearly and explicitly provides for the utilisation of technology. I am aware that the British Transport police, for example, are starting to use personal digital assistants—PDAs—to record some of the information required for a stop-and-search. The relevant information can be recorded and retained by, for example, an officer radioing through the basic details of the search to create a digitally taped or transcribed police log at the centre with no forms. That would ensure that stops-and-searches would still be recorded but without the burden of having to fill in a form at the scene and a further form back at the police station.
The Flanagan review contemplated stop-and-search information being recorded in that way and amendment 1 provides the necessary level of flexibility to enable that to happen. Obviously the introduction of new Airwave technology across police forces makes that more readily achievable. We believe that that would be a practical means of ensuring that information is recorded. It would provide reassurance to communities and reduce bureaucracy, thereby freeing up officers’ time to remain in communities, to be proactive in their policing and to ensure that evidence is gathered in an appropriate way.
My right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Sleaford and North Hykeham made the case last week for modifying the information requirements as proposed in amendments 51 and 52. We will listen closely to the points he makes on those amendments. On the question of recording the identity of the person searched, I heard the Minister’s statement last week that the information does not have to be provided by the person searched, which in part explains why it was felt that making the requirement mandatory might not be appropriate.
Mr. Douglas Hogg (Sleaford and North Hykeham) (Con): My hon. Friend will see that the word “stated” appears before “name and address” in amendment 51. It would not be a mandatory requirement to supply it, but if it were supplied then it should be recorded.
James Brokenshire: My right hon. and learned Friend makes an important point. It was clear from what Jan Berry told the Committee that if information is given and if intelligence is provided to the police that may be relevant and useful, it should be retained in some way. Even if that amendment were not accepted by the Minister, I take it that that information would be recorded in some other way, such as a note in the police officer’s record. Jan Berry made a clear point when she said:
“I would not want them to see the lack of requirement to record details as a reason not to collect intelligence.”——[Official Report, Crime and Security Public Bill Committee, 26 January 2010; c. 5, Q9.]
It is a question of balancing the statutory requirements in the Bill and the amendments to PACE regarding the mandated requirements for the types of information to be recorded, against the need to ensure that relevant intelligence is protected. If there is information that a suspect was in a particular area at a particular time, that may be useful intelligence that could be captured. I suppose that how the police might seek to use that intelligence is a question of judgment and degree. It will be interesting to hear not only what my right hon. and learned Friend says in support of his amendments, but how the Minister of State envisages the intelligence being retained, which may not be specifically set down in the statute.
The Minister of State has made a number of claims about the time that will be saved by the proposals in the Bill. Any reduction in police bureaucracy is certainly extremely welcome, given the way that it has burgeoned over the past 12 years, but would the full extent of the time savings be realised if intelligence information were being collated in a different way? If the names that are given and perhaps other details are to be recorded, will that fully utilise the amount of time saved to which the right hon. Gentleman alluded last week? It would be useful to understand how he arrived at the calculation of the time saved. Did the calculation take account of the need to collect certain intelligence over and above the statutory requirements that may be set out in the Bill?
This will be a useful debate, putting into the frame the pressures and bureaucracy that the police have to deal with. As the Police Federation said, this is a small step. Clearly there is much further to go in dealing with the wider bureaucracy and paperwork that the police face.
10.45 am
Mr. Hogg: First, Mr. Cook, let me declare a personal interest, in that I am a criminal barrister practising in the criminal courts. Might I declare that now and not again? Secondly, it is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship. You reminded me that we last appeared on a Committee together a long time ago, on the Firearms (Amendment) Bill in 1987. A further bit of background information is that I happened to be the Whip on the second Committee stage of the Bill that became the Police and Criminal Evidence Act, which this Bill amends in a number of respects. I recall that there were two considerations of that Bill by Committee; first David Mellor was the Whip on duty, and thereafter I was, taking the Bill through to enactment. I make that point by way of a preamble; it only suggests that I have been here a very long time.
Amendment 1, moved by my hon. Friend the Member for Hornchurch, makes a lot of good sense but it does not need to go in the Bill. It is about modalities, and I am in favour of not putting in the Bill a modality that may be overtaken in time by technology. However, he is clearly right in the substance of his suggestion: the police should, wherever possible, try to use modem technology to reduce the bureaucratic burden that they face.
My second point before I come to my two amendments is that I have served as a special constable on the beat in the metropolitan area. I was attached to Cannon Row police station in the mid 1970s, and patrolled around Trafalgar and Parliament squares and up to Waterloo place. Also, the Committee will appreciate that as a criminal barrister, I have been in many courts and seen many clients.
One has to be ware of the police. I believe that even today there is a certain amount of abuse, generally defined. As a special constable and as a junior barrister, I saw and became conscious of a lot of abuse. Therefore, when one says that one has to do away with bureaucracy, in one sense that is right—of course one must. But one must also keep in mind that the police are capable of abusing their power and not so relax the restrictions and constraints that abuse of power is not identifiable.
I always say in Committee and on the Floor of the House that when one gives power to the agents of the state, one has to recognise that inevitably, in time and on occasion, that power will be abused. Consequently, one gives away as little power as one reasonably can, and, when one gives it away, one hedges it about with restrictions and constraints, because we owe that duty to the citizen. Therefore, beware of bureaucracy of course, but remember too that the restrictions are often for the protection of the citizen—including the young citizen. When I first entered Parliament in 1979-80, there was a tremendous continuing row about the Vagrancy Act 1824, which contained the old stop-and-search powers. It caused immense rows on the streets of London, especially among the ethnic minorities. We must be careful not to so relax the restrictions that real anxiety about the use of stop-and-search breaks out again among the ethnic minorities.
I have two brief points about my own amendments. Amendment 51 goes to name and address. I accept that there is no requirement, as a general proposition, for a citizen to furnish his name and address to a police officer who stops him in the street. There are circumstances when he has to, but generally speaking I believe there is no requirement. However, it is often desirable to find out the name and address, and there is nothing to stop a police officer saying, “Excuse me sir, do you mind giving me your name and address?” If the person gives it, there is merit in recording it. It is not a great burden to record it. Indeed, I noticed in the first evidence session that Mr. McKeever said that he had no particular problem with the suggestion.
Why does one need the information? Perhaps for intelligence—perhaps someone has given the wrong name and one subsequently checks it. It is quite interesting that he has given the wrong name. Why? What if he complains? An officer may know exactly with whom he is dealing. I see merit, if the name is volunteered, in recording it—that is no great shakes. If my hon. Friend the Member for Hornchurch is right about the method of recording it, down it goes through the radio communication and that is that. I would have the measure, on the sort of terms that I have suggested.
The other point, about ethnicity, is quite different. I worry about that, insofar as the Bill suggests that it is the officer stopping the person who is required to state that person’s ethnic origins. New subsection (6A)(a) of section 3 of PACE refers to
“the ethnic origins of the person as described by the person”.
That clearly indicates to me that the constable says to the chap he has stopped, “What is your ethnic origin?” I would be chary about that. I walked the streets as a special constable and I do not think that that is a prudent question to ask. It is potentially confrontational. What happens if he replies, “Human race.”? The officer is not going to be very happy with that. There would be that kind of answer, let me tell you, Mr. Cook. That is certainly the sort of answer one might get from a lad on the street. What does one do then? Take it further? If the officer asks, “What is your origin?” the answer could be, “What the hell has it got to do with you, officer?” What does one say then? Or it could be, “Look—make up your own mind, officer.” There are lots of variations. Why introduce a confrontational note? The truth is that when an officer stops somebody, he can make his own assessment as to ethnic origins and record it.
When I was standing at Trafalgar square as a special constable, there would often be a radio message up from Parliament, but it was not very praiseworthy. It was, “RC3—where’s the stop?” RC3 in those days had a meaning, although I forget what it was. I was being told by a constable down in Parliament square that I might stop somebody coming up in a beaten old Vauxhall. An officer on the street can well identify ethnic origins and record them for him or herself, without there being any confrontation between that officer and the person stopped.
Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD): Does the right hon. and learned Gentleman agree that there may be an inclination on the part of officers, if given the answer, “I am a member of the human race,” to fill in the form in the way that he wants them to?
 
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