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Mr. Hoban: This is quite an important schedule, although I have not tabled many amendments to it. Nevertheless, I want to ask a question about the funding of the new body and how it will work in practice.
The schedule effectively sets out three sources of funding for the new consumer financial education body. The first is funding by authorised persons—people who are currently regulated by the FSA. Of course, the FSA’s existing work on financial capability is funded through the levy, so there is a continuation of the existing arrangements.
The second stream of funding comes from those who hold consumer credit licences. That is a new form of funding. It may not be welcome to people who hold credit licences, but I welcome it because one of the new body’s roles will be to help educate people on consumer debt, and not all who provide consumer credit are regulated by the FSA. There are about 120,000 consumer credit licences at the moment, which is many times the number of people who are regulated by the FSA.
The third source of funding is the Government. The Conservative party believes that consumer finance education should be funded entirely by the private sector, but that is not the reason for my speech. The Minister and I are veterans of many pieces of legislation, one of which is the Dormant Bank and Building Society Accounts Act 2008. One priority for the Government when making that legislation was financial capability; it was the second of three priorities that they set. Will the Minister say whether any of the money released from dormant bank and building society accounts will be used to fund the initiative? Is it one of the grants or loans to be made by the Treasury? I know that the funds identified under the 2008 Act will be distributed by the Big Lottery Fund, but the Bill does not refer to funding from that source. Will that emerge under paragraph 14 to schedule 1?
I turn to the other two sources of funding. A table published at page 30 of the impact assessment, which was extracted from information in the Thoresen report, sets out some of the contribution levels for various types of funds—independent financial advisers, insurance brokers, general insurance and so on. It is based on data from 2008.
On consumer credit licences, it is not clear from the impact assessment or the Bill whether contributions will be made per licence or whether they will be based on the turnover of the licence holders. Dentists that offer their patients a Denplan agreement are authorised by the Office of Fair Trading to offer consumer credit. Will they have to pay the same contribution towards the scheme as a consumer finance house that lends many millions of pounds to consumers? Will there be a simple differentiation? Will the amount of consumer credit activity that the licence holder undertakes determine how much the consumer credit company should contribute to the scheme? Clarification of how that will work would be helpful.
Again on the topic of funding, paragraph 7(4)(b) states that the consumer financial education body must consult the Secretary of State. Will the Minister clarify which Secretary of State that will be? One would assume that it refers to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but the Treasury is referred to in paragraph 7(4)(a). Does it refer to the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, as the Department responsible for the OFT? Is it the Department for Work and Pensions, as it also has an interest in financial literacy? [Interruption.] I refer to paragraph 7(4)(b). I mentioned the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, the sponsor of the OFT, because the OFT is listed as a consultee under paragraph 7(4)(c). I am not clear which Secretary of State is meant to be involved in the matter. I hope that there is some clarification on the points about funding and who will be consulted.
Rob Marris (Wolverhampton, South-West) (Lab): I want to make some brief remarks on paragraphs 3, 15, 10 and 5. Paragraph 3 will set up the consumer financial education body as something divorced from the Crown, to the point where its members, officers and staff are not to be regarded as Crown servants. It is supposed to have considerable autonomy via the FSA, another quango—regrettably, though it may be desirable in this case. We then move on to paragraph 15, which sets out that the FSA can appoint an independent person to conduct a review.
Not long ago, when we were debating amendment 48, the Minister quite understandably trotted out the line that is often used by Ministers, “Something is quite interesting and may be worth while, but we do not need it on the face of the Bill.” Under paragraph 3, an independent body is set up that is divorced from the Crown, but then in paragraph 15, continued in paragraph 16, there is a bunch of stuff about how the FSA “may”—the provision is permissive, not mandatory—appoint someone to conduct a review. Although a review might be desirable to consider how the body is functioning, I fail to see why that power needs to be on the face of the Bill. Is it because paragraph 3 divorces the CFEB so much from the FSA and the Crown?
When we were debating amendment 46, the Minister said that the CFEB will “do what it says on the tin” and that it is not a consumer advocacy group. Under paragraph 10, however, it is exempted from the Consumer Credit Act 1974 with regard to getting a licence. That suggests that the Government anticipate that the body might give advice for which it would otherwise, but for paragraph 10, require a licence. Therefore, there appears to be a contradiction.
Mr. Hoban: Perhaps it is not so much about giving advice, but offering loans to its customers.
Rob Marris: I very much doubt that the body will be offering loans. However, it is curious that while it seems clear to the Minister and the Government what the body will do—what it says on the tin—we have on the face of the Bill specifically an exemption from the requirement for a consumer credit licence.
Paragraph 5 seems quite extraordinary, and I would like the Minister to explain it a bit more. It is almost an “Alice in Wonderland” provision. For anything that would be against the law, the consumer financial education body can say, “It is not against the law.” The body is one that, as I adverted to earlier, under my reading of paragraph 3, is pretty much divorced from the Crown—it is a kind of super quango. As I read it—I may be misreading it—pursuant to clause 5, the body can make up its own laws, in the sense that it can say whether a person is exempt from the laws under the Consumer Credit Act 1974. Paragraph 5 seems a strange provision, and I hope that the Minister can say a little more about the rules of law that could be waived by that fairly independent body, the CFEB.
2.45 pm
Ian Pearson: Let us mop up all these points, shall we? First, with regard to the financing of the new consumer financial education body, the hon. Member for Fareham mentioned the Dormant Bank and Building Society Accounts Bill, for which we both served on the Committee. As he is aware, one of the intentions of that legislation is that money from dormant accounts will be made available to the new consumer financial education body, and I confirm that that remains the case.
In the pre-Budget report, we announced a joint Government-FSA commitment to provide £20 million for the roll-out of the money guidance project in 2010-11, enabling it to reach 1 million people during its first year. The PBR also announced dormant account funding of at least 25 per cent. of available funds, up to £100 million, over a number of years. Regarding the funding specifically, the hon. Gentleman will be aware that paragraph 12 gives the FSA—
Mr. Hoban: Is the Minister saying that paragraph 14 enables the Big Lottery Fund to make grants to the consumer finance education body?
Ian Pearson: It is certainly my understanding that under the dormant accounts legislation, money would go from the reclaim fund to the Big Lottery Fund and then out to good causes, which include consumer financial education. That is the route by which funding will be provided. My officials are nodding, so my memory must be correct.
Mr. Hoban: But the funding comes from authorised persons, consumer credit licensees and
“Funding by grants or loans etc. made by Treasury or Secretary of State”.
The Big Lottery Fund is distributed to good causes, but it does not feature at all as a source of funding in the funding regime set out in the schedule, unless the intention is that the Big Lottery Fund should give back money to the Treasury, which will then make the grant to the consumer finance education body.
Ian Pearson: The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right that paragraph 14 allows the Treasury and the Secretary of State the power to make grants, loans or other financial assistance to the consumer finance education body. It does not refer to the Big Lottery Fund. The intention has always been that money from the reclaim fund will go to the consumer finance education body. I will check the exact route by which that will happen, but the policy intention is clear.
The hon. Gentleman also mentioned the FSA’s power under paragraph 12 to levy persons authorised under FSMA. The FSA must take into account
“other anticipated sources of funding”
when deciding how much to levy firms. As he is aware, the FSA has a duty to ensure that the new body can function. The FSA already levies firms. It is up to the FSA to make its rules, but that is not something with which the FSA is unfamiliar. Nor, indeed, are the firms.
Paragraph 13 gives the Office of Fair Trading powers to levy Consumer Credit Act 1974 licence holders, which the hon. Gentleman welcomed. The OFT levy is exercisable by way of a general notice from time to time, and both the FSA and the OFT will be able to except certain categories or types of person partially or fully from the levy. The OFT will issue a general notice. I think that that will be sufficient explanation for him.
The hon. Gentleman asked who the Secretary of State mentioned in paragraph 7(4)(b) would be. I can confirm that the Secretary of State in that instance is the Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills, because that is the sponsor Department for the Office of Fair Trading.
My hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, South-West raised a number of questions. The answer to the one on paragraph 15, in short, is yes. He asked why that should be in the Bill and whether it was because we were setting up an independent body. We believe it is right that the FSA has the powers to have an independent review. They are useful backstop powers. We have every confidence that the new body will be set up so as to operate effectively and that will be demonstrated. It is useful to take the powers in legislation, so that if the FSA felt it necessary to conduct a review, it would be able to do so and have the co-operation of the new body.
I am afraid that I do not have an immediate answer to my hon. Friend’s question about paragraph 5, but I will endeavour to write to him, if he will permit me.
Rob Marris: I am grateful to my hon. Friend for agreeing to write to me. That is quite satisfactory because, in terms of what he said about paragraph 15—stressing it was an independent body—we have an independent body that apparently can waive the rules, for example, for an organisation with a royal charter or with charitable status, and that is rather odd. Perhaps when he writes to me he can let me know parallels elsewhere in the law where some independent body, such as the CFEB, has the ability, in my words, to re-write the law.
Ian Pearson: It has come back to me—with the help of a scribbled note—and I remember the background to it, as well. Paragraph 5 enables bodies to work with the consumer financial education body, even in circumstances where their constitution might not otherwise allow them. We specifically have in mind areas where a charity might be concerned whether the activity is wholly within its charitable status. That is the only particular area of concern that I am aware of. There are charities that want to work with this new body that believe they should be helping particularly vulnerable people improve their levels of financial literacy and make better decisions. The provision enables them to do that without having concerns about their charitable status. I hope that sufficiently clarifies matters.
Rob Marris: I hope that my hon. Friend will write to me.
Ian Pearson: My hon. Friend wants me to write to him and I am more than happy to do so.
Question put and agreed to.
Schedule 1 accordingly agreed to.

Clause 7

Meeting fsa’s regulatory objectives
Mr. Hoban: I beg to move amendment 44, in clause 7, page 5, line 18, leave out paragraph (b).
Clause 7 makes some changes to some aspects of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000. I particularly want to focus on clause 7(3)(b), which inserts a new subsection in section 45 of FSMA. Subsection (3) refers to:
“(variation or cancellation of Part IV permissions: FSA’s own-initiative power)”.
This is not the first time in our deliberations on this Bill that section 45 of FSMA has cropped up in debate. When we had the discussion at the start of our deliberations about the FSA’s disciplinary powers, we talked about what the Government were seeking to achieve in clauses 14 to 16. It was very clear from that debate that these powers were to be used in the event that disciplinary action had been taken against a regulated firm and that these powers were penalties that could be used as part of the FSA’s enforcement powers.
The discussion that we had then was also about how consumers are protected when a disciplinary action has been taken, given the constraints upon the transparency of the disciplinary process that are built into FSMA, and about how we protect people who are current customers of a firm that is subject to disciplinary action. The example that was given then was a mortgage company that was subject to enforcement action by the FSA at the same time that some of its customers were being taken to court by the mortgage company, and furthermore the issue that had led to the enforcement action being taken against the firm was about how the company handled mortgage arrears. The question was how do we ensure that existing customers are protected while disciplinary action is taking place. The response from the Minister then was the FSA has powers to stop an activity, as a preventive measure rather than as a penalty. They were powers under section 45 of FSMA:
“(variation or cancellation of Part IV permissions: FSA’s own-initiative power)”.
The change that the Bill seeks to make is to give the FSA the ability to use its powers under section 45 of FSMA where the people whom the FSA is seeking to protect are not actually customers of the firm that the FSA is taking action against. Therefore, the FSA is not only trying to protect the firm’s existing customers but people who have no relationship whatsoever with the firm. It is not clear to me why the FSA needs those powers. If the FSA sought to act now to vary the permission of that firm to prevent it from dealing with existing customers, by definition people who might be customers in the future but who do not have an existing relationship with the firm will automatically benefit from the exercise of those powers by the FSA.
I wondered if this measure aims to prevent a firm from commencing an activity, so the firm would have no existing consumers at all and the FSA is only trying to protect prospective consumers. However, if that is the case why would the FSA have given that firm permission to undertake those activities in the first place if it did not think that it was fit to undertake them?
So I am not quite sure what we gain by adding this extra power. Who are we trying to protect who is not already protected by the existing powers set out in section 45 of FSMA?
 
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