Beyond Decent Homes - Communities and Local Government Committee Contents


Examination of Witness (Question Numbers 303-319)

PROFESSOR TONY CROOK

23 NOVEMBER 2009

  Q303 Chair: Can I welcome you, Professor Crook. You have been sitting through the previous session, I think, so you have heard quite a lot of the discussion already about the private rented sector, but I would like to start with asking you whether you think that just to set a target for decent homes in the private sector influences the behaviour of private sector landlords or not.

  Professor Crook: Chair, I will answer your question indirectly if I may because I have not done any work on that, as I made clear to your team. The key issue is the question of incentives. The work that I and my colleague, Peter Kemp at Oxford, did for CLG's predecessors was a series of studies looking at the English House Condition survey. We interviewed all the landlords who owned the samples, we looked at their expenditure over a series of English House Condition surveys and two things became clear. I hope it will be a helpful answer. One is that we have seen an enormous change in the structure of ownership in the benign economic environment of the last ten years. We have had a big entry of a lot of very small-scale part-time landlords managing property on their own, many without qualifications, at least half the sector managed by those landlords, the vast majority of these new landlords looking for a return comprising capital gains and income returns. That is point one. Point two is that when you look at the repair standards you see something quite remarkable. There has been a big increase in standards. It is largely due to the entry into the sector of the buy-to-let landlords who have brought in property, not newly built, although that is increasing now, but from the owner occupied sector which has better standards, built in the 20th century, and indeed a substantial proportion now built in the 21st century. However, if you look at the trends in standards you will notice this, that the best are getting better and the worst are at best standing still, and then you look at the nature of ownership and you find that the properties which are getting better are owned by sideline landlords who largely primarily are not investing for an investment motive. They have bought the property because they want to house their daughter who they anticipate will be going to university or it is the retirement home of a minister of the Church of Scotland where we have done some work recently for the Scottish Government. When you look at the properties which are at best holding their own, they are owned by landlords with an investment motive, and quite rightly so. There is nothing wrong with owning a property for an investment motive; let me make that quite clear. As researchers do, we kind of scratched our heads at this and thought, "What is going on here?". We looked at the nature of the investment returns, we plotted a number of data points, and what we noticed was that rents are not related to conditions. Rents are about location, location, location. We have done some work for The Rent Service which your advisers will find in a note I have provided through one of your team. You can find no relationship between market rents and physical conditions. What you can find is a very clear relationship between rents in the old controlled sector and conditions where the rents were set by valuers who took this into account. This is quite logical because short-term tenants are looking for location, closer to the tube in London, if you like, but not absolutely next door. They are looking for white goods and they are not taking a long-term view of the condition of the dwelling. They are not, as it were, looking at this property and saying, "Ah, look; it has not got a good damp-proof course. In 20 years' time this might be a problem". They will be moving on in six months, so at the bottom end of the sector you have got the market not generating the higher returns that the landlord could earn by investing. At the same time you have got, as we heard from your previous witnesses, tremendous difficulty for the local authority in carrying out enforcement because of the lack of resources, the fact that tenants on the whole do not complain and the grant system has largely disappeared over the years because local authorities are no longer required to give a grant if they undertake a certain kind of enforcement action. You therefore have a combination of circumstances—a change in the structure of ownership, a market that does not generate the returns that would help landlords at the bottom end of the market invest for investment reasons, and at the same time you have got a big shortage of housing in certain parts of the market, particularly affordable housing, and it is possible for landlords to make returns by neglecting the property. In fact, if your adviser looks at the work we did for the CLG you will find that returns are better at the bottom end of the market than at the top. That is a long answer to your question but I hope it is helpful context.

  Q304  Chair: It is, and, just before I hand over to my colleague Neil, can I explore slightly more what you said about effectively the binary nature of the market, the retired Scotland minister? Are there lots of them?

  Professor Crook: It was an example.

  Q305  Chair: The other sector you said was landlords who basically buy the properties as investments. If a property is extremely energy inefficient is it still a good investment? I suppose if it is next to a tube station it could be, or are there three sectors, is what I am asking? Is there a third sector which is ropey properties where there is nevertheless a market and where you can still get a return?

  Professor Crook: There is probably a one per cent maximum market right at the bottom of the market in difficult circumstances, often in northern towns where landlords may be farming housing benefit, but it is a very small part of the sector and I was not referring to that in my binary division. We looked and ran technically some regression analysis on a database of 300,000 market rents for The Rent Service and the only variables which come up are location and size. Let me make a caveat to that. That is for one and two bedroom accommodation. When you look at three and four bedroom accommodation, which is more suitable for larger households, which might be groups of students but it does include households with families, other variables come into the equation and they include crime rates and key stage two results. There is a hint there that with the growth of families in the private rented sector people are looking for neighbourhood quality as revealed by school quality and crime rates, but in the vast majority people are looking for nearness to work. In fact, rents decrease the first 100 metres from a tube station then rise rapidly afterwards, which is probably telling you something about the nature of the immediate environment around the tube station.

  Q306  Mr Turner: You have probably answered all the questions I was going to ask you so I will skip the first one and go on to the second one. What kinds of incentives do you think landlords would need in order to invest? Would tax relief on improvement work be an incentive that would work?

  Professor Crook: What we have observed in the data is that where conditions are good landlords continue to invest, and I think there is a kind of stewardship attitude that we are talking about here. In other words, it is not wholly economic man or woman making the decision, but landlords owning property believe it should be maintained and will tend to invest over and above that which is necessary. At the top end of the market landlords who invest in that way can probably achieve capital gains as well. I think at the bottom end of the market, and when I say "the bottom end of the market" I am talking about the market where conditions are poor and probably energy efficiency is low, the German system is interesting. Your previous witnesses referred to that, I thought quite helpfully, because there is a system of regulation in Germany which leads to that result.

  Q307  Chair: Can you just explain that a bit more clearly and then come back to your line of argument?

  Professor Crook: Rents in Germany have been regulated for a very long time and so energy efficiency will be reflected in that. CLG are about to commission some work on that, I understand, on international comparisons.

  Q308  Chair: Sorry; I deviated you.

  Professor Crook: Mr Turner, you asked me what incentives landlords respond to.

  Q309  Mr Turner: Yes, whether or not tax relief would be an incentive to carry out work.

  Professor Crook: If we are talking about conditions at "the bottom end", probably in areas of houses in multiple occupation, probably areas where the tenants may be vulnerable, what incentives do landlords need? Probably good enforcement action with the availability of grant. It is interesting, if you look back in the past, that where local authorities have had success, and this is an enormously difficult area, as your previous witnesses have intimated, is where they have taken enforcement action and they have had the grant support to follow that up things have happened. However, there is every disincentive for landlords to invest in the sense that if they invest the rents probably will not go up dramatically, and in the kinds of areas we are probably all referring to that you will be aware of in your constituencies, capital gains may not increase significantly, so if you like there is every incentive just to continue to take the income because the tenants will continue to pay, yet the social argument for investing must be high, both in terms of the health and safety of the tenants and in terms of the wider neighbourhood impact. I think the change in the financial regime has probably made it more difficult for local authorities to do this because they cannot. You referred earlier, Chair, to the regional housing pot and I do not have the data on that, but, of course, there are competing claims that local authorities have.

  Q310  Mr Turner: There has been a big call for, for instance, no VAT on house improvements, et cetera. I take it from what you are saying that you think that would be a blunt instrument and that a targeted grant system would be more effective in raising standards.

  Professor Crook: Correct. I am not saying that would not be unhelpful.

  Q311  Mr Turner: But if you have got a pot of money then it would be better to have a grant system?

  Professor Crook: Yes, allied, if I may say, Mr Turner, with the fact that there is a strong case for arguing that many of these circumstances continue to prevail because of the shortage of affordable housing. Many of the low income vulnerable people may be better off in the social sector. I am not principally saying registered social landlords but private landlords who operate under HCA grant who are looking for longer term circumstances. Many landlords in those circumstances perform a valuable function as sort of quasi-social workers by providing the difficult accommodation which is lowish cost for them.

  Q312  Mr Turner: That is interesting and it brings us on to the next question. Do you think that increased competition within the lower end of the sector would also improve standards?

  Professor Crook: As an economist, in principle I ought to say yes to that, ought I not? I forget which minister it was, in one of the many attempts to try and increase City of London investment in the sector via housing investment trusts, real estate investment trusts, who talked about getting in `the good money to drive out the bad', and in a sense that ought to be right, and that could include competition from the social sector as well, which often gives quality accommodation on reasonably secure terms, not indefinite security, providing for people who at the moment have nowhere else to go and find it very difficult. There are big regional contrasts here. The situation in London will be very different from the situation in Sheffield where I work and in the small Derbyshire village where I live, and that would have to be taken into account. However, the attempts to get large-scale capital into the private rented sector have not worked so far. The jury is still out with the recent initiative from the Homes and Communities Agency, as you, of course, as Members of Parliament, will be aware.

  Q313  John Cummings: Is lack of knowledge or standards or stock condition by landlords a persuasive reason for low standards?

  Professor Crook: I am not sure about "persuasive reason". However, the evidence is quite compelling, not just the evidence that Professor Kemp and I have but in other surveys too. We have, by the way, just completed the parallel to the Rugg Review for the Scottish Government. In terms of landlords who have been recently attracted into the sector, the vast majority of the stock is owned by new landlords. I emphasise my last point—the vast majority of the stock is owned by new landlords, many of whom have come into the sector attracted by the possibility of short-term capital gains and that has been very clear in the last few years. Many of them approach property saying, "It is like owning your own house. I know how to do this", but are not aware of their responsibilities as landlords and have found it difficult, though there are exceptions, to find good managing agents, and many of them either do not have an awareness of their rights or of their tenants' obligations and find it very difficult to find out about standards. The Scottish registration system, if I may say so, in answering a question which you have not asked me, has not addressed that problem adequately. I appreciate that that is a matter for a devolved administration, of course, not for yourselves.

  Q314  Chair: What is the Scottish registration system, briefly?

  Professor Crook: Briefly, yes. With limited exceptions, all landlords are required to register themselves and their property. They have to pass a "fit and proper person" test which is basically not having a criminal conviction, and they pay to be registered. All the evidence suggests that the register is not complete. You might expect this, as there are some landlords who perhaps would not bother to register. Landlords say this is an increased burden on them and they only wish the local authorities—and we found this very interesting in our evidence—were chasing the bad landlords "because they are tarring the brush of all of us", and felt that—and this is in our report to the Scottish Government and your advisers can find it on the Scottish Government website—this was a proposition that might have been used much better.

  Q315  Alison Seabeck: I am going to link that to regulation of managing agents and what is being looked at here because that links into some of the proposals we have just been talking about. Do you feel there is a role for regulation of managing agents in England?

  Professor Crook: Yes, in principle, because there needs to be a good redress system. I say that because it is the one area of consumer protection which is missing and it seems to me ought to be completed.

  Q316  Alison Seabeck: Do you think there is scope within that for enabling that form of regulation to help drive Decent Homes standards improvements as well?

  Professor Crook: You have talked about the managing agents. I do not know whether the question is more general.

  Q317  Alison Seabeck: This is slightly more general, whether or not we could use a system of regulation to drive and indicate standards.

  Professor Crook: I am happy to answer the more general question; forgive me for seeking clarification. My view is one of advice rather than particularly answering the question. I am not trying to evade it. I think we need to be clear why we want this. Is it in order to collect a database so we can follow up? If so, how can we be sure that everybody will register? The Scottish evidence is quite clear here, and I am not blaming anybody in Scotland for this, by the way; a vast amount of IT work has been done on this. Is it about saying that in order to be registered you have to pass a fit and proper test, in which case one would probably want to go beyond the mere compliance with not having a criminal conviction, apart from, obviously, penalty points on traffic offences. One might want to look at whether people have been convicted in terms of housing management. Is it about getting a better information flow? Is it about weeding out the "bad landlords" and their conditions, and, if it is, how would it work? I have constantly asked myself the question because HMO licensing has not—I heard the exception to that from your last witness; it is very interesting to hear that. I do not know the evidence on that.

  Q318  Alison Seabeck: It is just that we have not been able to see it yet, if it is with the BRE still, the evidence you were talking about on HMOs is still with the BRE, I think.

  Professor Crook: But if the landlords owning the worst properties have reasons for not registering the question is, how do you do that? Local authorities are quite capable—I suspect there are some in the public gallery—of using IT systems, subject to the Data Protection Act, to work out where these are. The fundamental problem is a lack of resources. Your previous witnesses, and I read it last night on your website, said that there are 1,600 environmental health officers; it is a compellingly low figure. The work I did, which was published in a journal called Policy and Politics, which your advisers can look at, looking at the experience of environmental health officers in trying to enforce standards in houses in multiple occupation showed that it is fundamentally difficult, first, to find them, and, secondly, tenants will not necessarily welcome them coming in and enforcing because they will be concerned, if not about retaliatory action, that their rents might go up as a consequence. In other words, we have a domain there where the tenants are actively seeking low standards. There are some interesting issues about A8 migrants here and it provides a potential moral, if not legal, conflict of interest for local authorities which I have discussed with some chief executives. A8 migrants have come here not intending to stay. You will know about this. They are quite happy to live in quite appalling accommodation because they can repatriate their income to for example, Romania. I chair a think tank in south east Europe and I am aware of this conflict for the local authority. These conditions are in conflict with our standards and yet the tenants do not welcome the visit of the environmental health officer, so you have very difficult circumstances there. In terms of the proposals that are coming out day and night on registration, they have to be absolutely clear what the purpose is and how we are designing them and how we are going to use them, but I am not absolutely sure that we are clear on that, "we" being a multitude of people.

  Q319  Chair: Can I press you on that? One could see that there would be several purposes. One might be improving fire safety. One of the reasons why the HMO registration, as I understand it, was targeted at three storey and above is that that is where most of the fire deaths occur.

  Professor Crook: And that was why it was made mandatory.



 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2010
Prepared 23 March 2010