Preventing Violent Extremist - Communities and Local Government Committee Contents


Examination of Witnesses (Question Numbers 228-260)

SIR NORMAN BETTISON QPM, MR JONATHAN CHARLTON AND COUNCILLOR PAUL MURPHY

11 JANUARY 2010

  Q228  Chair: We are squeezing you down slightly but we were getting into a very interesting line of questioning there and I think it probably suggests to you the lines we are going to want to be pursuing with you particularly. Can I start off really with asking if you could clarify from the point of view of the police firstly whether you think you are in charge or local authorities are in charge of the Prevent programme in each locality and, secondly, whether you think there is a tension between the police view of what Prevent should be doing, which may be the Government's view but we will leave that to one side, and local authorities' views of what Prevent is trying to achieve?

  Sir Norman Bettison: I am Sir Norman Bettison, the Chair of the Association of Chief Police Officers and Chief Constable of West Yorkshire Police. I am very clear that if Prevent were left to the police it would fail.

  Q229  Chair: Could you explain why?

  Sir Norman Bettison: Yes, because the police have got to undertake the full gamut of the four Ps—Protect, Prepare and Pursue as well as Prevent. There is always the potential for those different responsibilities to be confused and misunderstood. The police have a reach into a community at a particular level. Wherever you get good neighbourhood policing that reach is greater. Wherever you get safer schools partnerships the reach is greater still but the reach can only go so far. At a local authority level through schools, through youth outreach, through community health, there is the opportunity for a much greater reach into the wider realms of the community. The police, relatively speaking, have this superficial reach and the other responsibilities that have to be undertaken in the police role, so if Prevent is left to the police it will be less effective and less optimal than if the local authority is very centrally involved. In my view, the local authorities is the appropriate agency to lead on Prevent.

  Q230  Chair: And the other two on that point. If you agree just say you agree but if you have different points.

  Councillor Murphy: I agree so I will not protract it.

  Mr Charlton: Can I just add very briefly I think the notion of leadership is a moot point to some extent. It is about getting the arrangements in place that are right and work for all local partnerships and they differ from location to location. On the issue of police and local authority relationships, yes, I think there are tensions sometimes. I think certainly in the early days of Prevent two to three years ago there were very real tensions between what was seen as a community cohesion response, as you have discussed earlier and a security-based response, and I think certainly over the last three years we have matured and gone some way to developing partnerships that have resolved some of those differences.

  Councillor Murphy: If I may just add to that. It is quite variable. It should not be taken that there is a consistency across the piece of police authorities and forces and those partnerships on Prevent. It is quite variable. There are areas that I think are exemplars of good practice and there are other areas where they do not think it affects them, which is always a cause of concern for us in the APA and of course in the forces.

  Q231  Chair: I would quite like to pursue the points we were making at the end of the last session while they are still fresh in our minds because it is important to pursue it with you particularly I think in relation to the Channel project. The point that John Pugh was pursuing about where is the move within a democracy between the right to express radical views and the Channel programme, which in a sense is using the expression, amongst other things, of radical views as a trigger to then target those individuals with measures that prevent them from turning to violence—or allegedly prevent them turning to violence, particularly young people.

  Sir Norman Bettison: Can I start with a story about Hasib Hussain. Hasib Hussain was a young man, a third generation Leeds-born individual. He went through the school system. He was the son of a foundry worker. His three siblings have done very well. Hussain was doing a business diploma course at a local college. He was a model student at Matthew Murray School in East Leeds. He went on at the age of 18 to strap a rucksack to his back and blew up the number 30 bus that we have all seen in the scenes that followed the 07/07 bombings. We started to unpick what was known about Hasib Hussain. He had never come to the notice of the police at any stage in his young life and therefore in terms of opportunities for the police to intervene to prevent what went on to occur, there were just no hooks there. However, what we did discover is that as a model student whilst at Matthew Murray School his exercise books were littered with references to Al-Qaeda, and the comments could not have been taken as other than supportive comments about Al-Qaeda. To write in one's exercise book is not criminal and would not come on the radar of the police, but the whole ethos, the heart of Prevent is the question for me of whether someone in society might have thought it appropriate to intervene. What do I mean by intervention? I do not mean kicking his door down at 6 o'clock in the morning and hauling him before the magistrates. I mean should someone have challenged that? They are the sorts of cases that get referred through the Channel scheme. It is not a question of having a scheme and targeting it on individuals but having a scheme that is capable that has the facility to actually provide intervention opportunities that might be a precursor or it might be some way up-stream from somebody's ideas and attitudes developing into violent extremism.

  Q232  Dr Pugh: At what point is that done? A lot of young men have quite radical opinions of one kind or another. It is about the only time in one's life when one does have radical opinions. Here you have a clear-cut case where somebody is advocating support for a known terrorist organisation which would give anybody outright cause for concern. Suppose that views were expressed about the Palestinian situation quite forcefully, would that also count? What would the threshold be and who would be the judge of where it was done appropriately and where it was done inappropriately?

  Sir Norman Bettison: This is an incredibly moot point. I think it is a very case-by-case sensitive point. The important thing is that it is not law enforcement interventions so the interventions that are anticipated through the Channel scheme or through having a Prevent focus is that somebody feels that it is appropriate to challenge or to question or to mentor or to coach. All the interventions that have come through the 228 publicly stated cases of Channel intervention have been handled through that sort of mentorship or challenge and not through law enforcement.

  Q233  Dr Pugh: Following that through, there is a lot of race hatred crime within the UK. Certainly as a former teacher I have observed both in written and other communications by pupils in schools some sentiments which are quite disturbing a propos racial issues. Would it be appropriate to subject them to the same parallel kind of process?

  Sir Norman Bettison: Yes.

  Q234  Dr Pugh: It would not be preventing terrorism in this case but it would be preventing crime.

  Sir Norman Bettison: What we have found with Prevent is that it is a useful model for addressing all sorts of violent attitudes; so violent in a broad construct of the term not necessarily physical confrontation but where people have violent attitudes the Prevent scheme in general and the Channel scheme in particular has been used to intervene with people who have expressed racist views and who have expressed views of wanting to kill who are not Muslims, and they are people that have come on to the radar because we have tried and tested and practised these interventions in the past.

  Q235  Dr Pugh: What you are advocating is a more general link between the police system and the education system?

  Sir Norman Bettison: Yes I am. It is called safeguarding. We are tied by government policy and by legislation. We all have a responsibility to safeguard young people under the age of 21.

  Q236  Alison Seabeck: You were sitting at the back and you will have heard concerns expressed by some of the witnesses that targeting purely the Muslim community was not necessarily very constructive.

  Sir Norman Bettison: I agree.

  Q237  Alison Seabeck: It would therefore make sense to take this out of this particular programme and apply it in a different way and that would ultimately have the same net result in terms of dealing with radicalisation or trying to identify radicalisation without it necessarily stigmatising one particular community.

  Sir Norman Bettison: One of the best things that has come out of the work on Prevent is the joint funding into police and schools extending the reach of safer schools partnerships. Those safer schools partnerships are capable of focusing across the whole gamut of communities, of race, of faith, and of problems faced by those communities, but it has brought us together. We should not ignore the fact that the most significant threat to this country from terrorist activity is from Al-Qaeda inspired terrorism.

  Q238  Alison Seabeck: At the moment.

  Sir Norman Bettison: What we are dealing with when we look at our communities in the broad scope of race and faith and colour and ethnicity, what we actually see are vulnerabilities and it seems to me to be a fact that the young people who will be most vulnerable from Al-Qaeda-inspired rhetoric and inspiration are young Muslims, so it makes sense, in my view, not as a policeman but as an observer of society, to focus some activity if we are intent on stopping the Al-Qaeda-inspired rhetoric from landing and becoming embedded that we target our activity and our focus in the Muslim community.

  Q239  Alison Seabeck: Would you not also accept that there is a risk of alienating young people by simply just focusing on that?

  Sir Norman Bettison: Yes.

  Q240  Alison Seabeck: Which is why it was interesting to hear Leicester's experience in the earlier session that they decided to broaden it out.

  Sir Norman Bettison: Yes.

  Q241  Mr Betts: Can I follow that up. You are saying people other than Muslims had been referred through the Channel project. Do you know roughly what the breakdown was in the 228 cases? How many of these people were Muslim?

  Sir Norman Bettison: The overwhelming majority have been young Muslim males. A minority, off the top of my head somewhere between ten and 20, have been non-Muslims.

  Q242  Mr Betts: Any women?

  Sir Norman Bettison: Yes, there have been a handful of women but the overwhelming majority is young men under the age of 25 from Muslim communities.

  Q243  Mr Betts: Given that the people who are closest in a whole variety of ways to young men who may be developing extremist views or thoughts or potential actions are likely to be closer to them in their community rather than to authority, how do you build up confidence so that people feel that it is the right thing to do to pass on information through the Channel project rather than being seen as what I suppose in the old colloquial phrase is "snitching" on their mates or the people they work with?

  Sir Norman Bettison: For me the parallel, and it has all sorts of echoes with the early days which I sadly remember of dealing with other risks and harms such as drugs, what there was always when the police were first engaged on drugs enforcement was the tension between wanting to protect the vulnerable young people from the menace of addictive drugs and asking people within the community to, in a sense, report those who were experimenting or becoming seduced by drugs. The maturity of the relationship that we have with other partners now is such that actually the police are involved with treatment and education just as much as we are involved with enforcement, and it is because people have been able to see over the years that information or concern expressed to a third party can often be of benefit to young people in protecting them from a menace such as drug or other risks that particularly befall young people. This is a pretty new agenda but I am very optimistic that as long as we are sensitive, as long as it is not just a police initiative but one shared by other agencies within the community, I genuinely believe that it will become more and more trusted.

  Q244  Dr Pugh: In terms of who reports the person with violent extremist tendencies—I think you said 228 cases—are the bulk of them reported by their own community or picked up via third party organisations?

  Sir Norman Bettison: A real spread. I would not like to say majority/minority in one particular direction but it includes schools, it includes teachers, it includes the community themselves. In cases that I am aware of it includes parents who have raised concerns about the direction of travel that their son's attention and friendships and attitudes have drifted into.

  Q245  Chair: Would you be able to provide us with the numbers afterwards? Is it recorded?

  Sir Norman Bettison: Yes.

  Chair: Because I think we would find very useful the actual breakdown of what sort of grouping has returned them.

  Q246  Mr Betts: There have been some concerns expressed to us in a general sense about the Prevent agenda that it is a mixture of things that ought to get the community on side, community initiatives trying to engage people in a positive way, and at the other end of course some harder edge approaches to dealing with people who might be moving into extremism. Sometimes there has been a confusion over that and sometimes because of the links between the various elements of the project there has been a stigma attached to the whole project, "This is just an anti-Muslim agenda because we get community improvements of facilities because we are perceived to be a threat to the wider nation". In the police do you have that same concern, particularly that you have got the friendly neighbourhood bobby being engaged and linking with the community and on the other hand you have counter-terrorism officers clearly having a role to play as well?

  Sir Norman Bettison: I would like to leave the Committee with a diagram if I may. I thought we might get into that so I have brought along a diagram and the diagram basically shows three interlocking circles. At the centre is neighbourhood policing. It inter-locks at one end with local authorities and other partners and it interlocks at the other end with the Counter-Terrorism Unit. I do not have any concern or worry that it is this sort of Janus-like operation that has to look both ways. As a Police Service that is built and is founded upon neighbourhood policing, we have to have local partnerships and local arrangements to help to support, to intervene, but because of who we are, we also have to have an overlay with our counter-terrorism colleagues and our national security colleagues in the security service and other agencies. For example where we came by information that suggested that someone was actively pursuing the idea of violence then that information could be shared with the Counter-Terrorism Unit.

  Q247  Mr Betts: Just as an example, we were having an informal discussion earlier on and we were trying to talk about the best way to try and engage through Prevent (or whatever you call programmes) with people in the Muslim community. One example was given of police engagement where within a matter of a few minutes of it beginning it became obvious that the officer involved was a counter-terrorism officer and that really destroyed the rest of any meaningful engagement because there was a suspicion immediately that "we are perceived to be the bad guys; we have been criminalised from the beginning of this conversation". Would you be happy about that approach? Do you see that counter-terrorism officers have a different role to the front-line of police engagement with the community through the Prevent agenda?

  Sir Norman Bettison: We have in my police force area brought counter-terrorism officers into the community in order that they can explain what they do, but what they do is different to what the neighbourhood officer, John Smith and Jenny Brown, sees day in and day out as the community goes about its daily business. So there is a distinction but I have an honest and strongly held belief that the more open and transparent we are about what goes on in that spectrum, the Venn diagram that I have circulated, the better we will be positioned in terms of community understanding.

  Councillor Murphy: Just to continue that, I hope what I am about to say informs you, Mr Betts. You have probably heard of the desktop Operation Nicole, and I do not know if you are aware of the details or not. We have run that in Greater Manchester for example for elected members throughout the whole of Greater Manchester. What that does in effect is reverses the role, if you like, where we accept and understand the concerns of the Muslim communities that we appear to be targeting them. When one reverses the role and says you take the decision that in fact the counter-terrorist police would have to take it really does begin to take on a different hue. It is a two-day process in this case. I personally found it very, very illuminating and I think members of my Muslim community and close friends of mine within Manchester City Council also found it interesting. What I also wanted to say is that the ACC responsible for counter-terrorism in Greater Manchester, it is the point that Norman has just made, was accountable at that meeting and answered the questions. I am driven by the concept of the need to inform rather than a need to know and that is generally the view of the APA. We have to start talking to people to explain to people why we do this. I agree with Dr Pugh that being radical is not an offence. If you are not radical when you are young you will never be radical. The step to violent extremism is the real issue. My submission would be, and we support as an APA absolutely, the neighbourhood policing model. I think the answer to some of the questions you ask is that where trust is built (and it takes time to do that) within those communities, with neighbourhood policing, then I believe that you can begin to build that trust that exists. The English Defence League, for example, is an organisation where wherever it appears there is violence. In Greater Manchester in partnership with all of our communities we attempted to ask the Home Secretary to ban a march. He did not. We asked on the basis that we knew there would be violence. Our biggest concern was that young Muslims would turn up to that march because these people are clearly anti-Muslim, an odious bunch, quite frankly. What we were able to do because of that neighbourhood partnership working that Norman has just alluded to is go out to our communities to speak to the imams, particularly in the Cheetham Hill Road area of Manchester, and speak to them and explain that the police had this under control. The Muslim community representatives, who were the elected members, were involved every step of the way in the Gold command process. As a result of that there was no violence. There were a number of arrests from the extreme right wing. There were maybe two arrests from the Muslim community. That gives you some idea of what neighbourhood policing in its better format contains.

  Q248  Dr Pugh: Could I ask specifically about neighbourhood policing. I agree it is absolutely critical because obviously policing must be done sensitively in this case so that people do not get picked on because they have suddenly grown a beard or something like that. Clearly it takes time, given the makeup of the police force, to feel completely comfortable and au fait when policing a largely Muslim neighbourhood, as certainly would be the case in some parts certainly of Lancashire. Has there been any study made of the length of time and/or training that neighbourhood police have who are active in largely Muslim neighbourhoods? I am aware of the fact that neighbourhood policing is a great thing but due to career development amongst the police neighbourhood policemen move around sometimes rather a lot and visit a lot of neighbourhoods and you really want a degree of real understanding here.

  Councillor Murphy: I will give another example about Greater Manchester if I may. We are trying to settle people into those communities—and I believe it is the same in West Yorkshire.—where neighbourhood policing now becomes the area in which people need to be if they are going to be promoted at all. The second thing is that the Chief Constable has communicated through the police authority that we would want to keep people in those communities much longer than we have previously done and we have set that as an agenda item and that is beginning to work. You are quite right. I do not know the answer about how long it takes. What I can say is that you will be aware that Greater Manchester Police have been involved in a number of exercises around the counter-terrorism area. Some have done very well and some I have probably been the worst critic o, if you like, which you would expect me to be. We hold the police to account and it is quite right that we do that, but, in the main, the direction of travel, if you forgive that awful cliché, is that people are beginning to trust the work that is going on because of neighbourhood policing. The final part of that is a question that you asked earlier which was a really good question from Mr Betts and that is how do we know what success looks like. There is a bigger question about the whole of the agenda of counter-terrorism, which is how do we know when we are winning? We are spending an awful lot of money on it.

  Q249  Chair: Can I go back to the Channel programme and an issue that Sir Norman raised that it has to be done sensitively. Some of the anecdotes that we were given again in the session beforehand suggested that an Achilles heel of Channel may be the people not within the police necessarily but within schools or whatever, who are identifying the individuals who they believe may be at risk. There was an example given of two girls one discussing with the other why she should be wearing the hijab. I can see absolutely that drawing all over a book saying Al-Qaeda is good idea is at a completely different end of things, but that is an example, after all, where we all know that that individual did move on to violence. There is this difficulty, it seems to me, from an evidence point of view in the Channel programme that, by the nature of things, you cannot provide any evidence that it works. You cannot be sure that an individual who was identified as being directed to the Channel programme, you cannot say, as one of our local authority witnesses slipped up and said, you cannot be sure that that person would have committed violence, and therefore if at the end of the Channel programme they do not, you cannot say that that is success because it is not measurable. Is there an issue about the trigger point for identifying individuals? Who is exercising that? Is it teachers, head teachers, college lecturers across the piece, or is it a bit more rigid than that and is it the police who are saying whether that is enough or not?

  Sir Norman Bettison: The place to which an individual is referred is a multi-agency panel. It is not a particular individual. So there is a multi-agency panel that considers the questions of referral. Some of those 228 referrals are simply "we will maintain a watching brief on that" and, in a sense, the concern dissipates. I think it depends on whether you see the interventions, whatever is contained under the description of that, as intrusive and for the benefit of society or whether you actually see them as supportive and for the benefit of the individual.

  Q250  Chair: It is not a matter of whether we see them as that. It is a matter of whether the public and in particular those parts of the public that seem to be being targeted perceive them as targeting?

  Sir Norman Bettison: In fairness, I think what is most important is the person that has that intervention. When I address it in terms of coaching, mentoring, challenging, supporting, actually you can begin to see that that is not necessarily a negative experience for the young man, the individual that is subject to that intervention. I think that good teachers have been doing this all my life. What they have been doing is noticing that there are issues of concern and doing something about it. That for me is on all fours with good Prevent interventions.

  Mr Charlton: In some respects this is nothing new. Police and other partners have been operating interventions through referral processes for a decade or more, around drugs, around anti-social behaviour, around youth offending. There are a lot of different perspectives on Prevent and one of the really interesting ones that I heard about on Channel is that there is almost a moral imperative to work with young people in this way. If it prevents somebody from ruining their own life and the lives of many others there is a real moral imperative behind that to work with these young people. Just one final thing on Channel, I sit as a member of the national steering group and have done for the last year and it has matured significantly in that time, and the development of relationships between different partners—Children's Services, the Probation Service, police—is very, very well developed now. There are some very healthy debates within that steering group that border on argument at times. A lot of that is predicated on the basis of Channel must start from the basis of protecting young people, addressing vulnerability and ensuring that safeguarding concerns are taken care of.

  Q251  Chair: But you are not getting that message across because for example the UCU in universities have objected strenuously to the notion that they should be checking what their students are doing and then reporting them to the police. It is not just the Muslim community which is suspicious and feels they are all being put under surveillance. There are quite large sections of the rest of society that are suspicious about this programme and that do not accept it.

  Sir Norman Bettison: The police have never asked the universities to monitor and report.

  Q252  Chair: Do you think it is a good idea or not?

  Sir Norman Bettison: There was an interesting article in the Sunday Times yesterday that suggested that actually good guardianship, not guardianship on behalf of society but guardianship of one's students, means knowing what is happening on the university campus. If that raises concerns that need to be taken off the university campus then there are lots of agencies that can be referred to.

  Q253  Dr Pugh: Would you accept that it is an extraordinarily tricky job and a very, very difficult and onerous job to pick out who is likely to be a future terrorist even from a group of people passed on and referred to you? What is not an equivocal matter or difficult matter or ambiguous matter is identifying people who are actually setting up terrorist networks, providing training, providing explosives and so on because none of these people identified as potential terrorists will ever become a genuine terrorist without the wherewithal and the backing they will get from an organised terrorist organisation, or very rarely would that be the case. Could it not be argued that the vast bulk of the more successful enterprises in terms of police time for the police is in stopping any person getting access to these sorts of networks rather than trying to identify the psychology of people who might wish to access these networks?

  Sir Norman Bettison: Yes, and that effort and that focus is very much in place. When you look at the diagram that I have circulated you will see that actually there is the opportunity through the closer engagement to pick up early indications of the bomb factory, of the training camps, of the meetings in the front room with the radical leader visiting from London. Neighbourhood policing is actually the place where those sorts of warning bells would be rung.

  Councillor Murphy: May I just add to that, Mr Betts, if I may, because I would not want to leave this Channel debate on a negative. There are some very good examples. I will give you an example of GMP working with Connexions in Greater Manchester working with children and young children with learning difficulties aged 13 to 25. On measuring those outcomes, I think your question is still one that nobody is able to answer. It is a really good question and I do not know the answer, but I am just giving you an example here where the outcomes of the training that takes place—and the GMP are involved in that with Connexions—are that we are able to lift the ability for them to access work, because I do believe that people with learning difficulties are people that can be targeted. I disagree with Dr Pugh about a point he made earlier in relation to using people of reasonably high intelligence. The shooting in Northern Ireland recently, the executioner was a lad with learning difficulties. So they are recruited and radicalised in that way.

  Q254  Alison Seabeck: The Exeter bomber was as well.

  Councillor Murphy: Absolutely. What I am saying is that we are trying to engage with the safeguarding of vulnerable young people, and we are supporting the training and in some cases facilitating that training. I wanted to give a positive message about some of the Channel work and the partnership work that goes on throughout Greater Manchester.

  Sir Norman Bettison: If we are moving off Channel, because I think this is the sort of Committee that ought to hear me say this, I think it is time now for Channel to be mainstreamed and not be a separate project.

  Q255  Chair: Mainstreamed in what sense?

  Sir Norman Bettison: In terms of the vulnerability agenda and the safeguarding agenda. Channel pre-dated the ACPO Prevent strategy. It was a Government scheme not long after the 2005 bombings, the realisation that there was not a conduit for information or for identifying vulnerability. Actually the Prevent strategy and Prevent implementation plan and all the other joint governmental and partnership work now means that there is a vocabulary and that there are connections that we can use without having to badge something separately as Channel.

  Alison Seabeck: That comes back to the point we made earlier.

  Q256  Chair: You do not mean mainstreaming by getting out of just focusing on the Muslim community?

  Mr Charlton: It does not just focus there.

  Councillor Murphy: The point I was making about for example the GMP scheme with Connexions does not focus just on the Muslim community. It focuses on 13 to 25-year-olds with learning difficulties.

  Q257  Chair: I am not quite clear what Sir Norman meant by mainstreaming.

  Sir Norman Bettison: I guess I was linking it to my earlier comments which is one of the greatest things to come out of Prevent is the better join up between schools and police, the safer schools partnerships et cetera, which has created not only the integration and the vocabulary but the willingness to actually work together in tackling vulnerability and harm.

  Q258  Mr Betts: Can I just come back to the specific point. We have had a lot of evidence that different local authorities are probably, naturally, focusing in a different way on the Prevent agenda and are doing different things. In terms of the Police Service, the police authorities is there a coherent sameness about their approach or are there differences which can be highlighted? Are some police services getting it more right than others?

  Mr Charlton: Do you mean difference between the Authority and the Service as such?

  Q259  Mr Betts: Both.

  Mr Charlton: In terms of that point, first of all, clearly different organisations have different responsibilities. The police authorities have a statutory responsibility to ensure an effective and efficient Police Service within the force area. In that sense the police authorities add value within the Prevent agenda around providing a scrutiny and an oversight function of policing. Just to give you a very brief example of that in a positive context, there has been some controversy recently that you will no doubt be aware of around the impact of Terrorism Act stops on local communities. I guess to some extent here we are back to the Prevent/Pursue debate. Police authorities around the country monitor those impacts, the impacts of those stops, the numbers of them and the physical impact on local communities. It was found that some of those stops were disproportionately across minority ethnic communities, particularly Muslim communities, and that was fed back into the policing loop, and as a result a number of police forces, prominent among them the Metropolitan Police Service, adjusted their policy around Terrorism Act section 44 stops. That is one example there. Police authorities provide that scrutiny function. They provide some kind of assurance and accountability to the local communities that they represent and serve. In terms of our experience of implementation nationally, it is hugely variable and it is variable amongst police authorities because police authorities have different resource levels, they have different philosophical approaches to Prevent, and that is only right. That reflects itself across the country. It is hugely, hugely variable. In terms of the Police Service it is probably a question that Sir Norman could better answer than myself.

  Sir Norman Bettison: I have lost track of the question!

  Q260  Mr Betts: Is there a coherent sameness about the approach to these issues across all police services or would we see different approaches, different emphases on Prevent in different police services? Are we still learning and some forces getting it right and others learning from them?

  Sir Norman Bettison: Yes to all three questions. Yes, there is an element of sameness and that is neighbourhood policing. Unless there is a foundation of neighbourhood policing you cannot simply pitch up within a community and do Prevent. It can only be built on a trusted relationship with the neighbourhood policing role. So, yes, there is the sameness in that respect that everything is built on neighbourhood policing. Differences are to do with the differences in our communities. Nothing gets my goat more than hearing or reading about the "Muslim community" because it does not exist. We have Muslim communities, we have very different, very diverse communities, and therefore the approaches, the level of trust that makes the relationship capable of being built upon is different, and so we will be doing in some areas more fundamental stuff around engagement and relationship-building whereas in other places that relationship and trust is so well established that it allows us to go even further and do things in shorthand and be quite progressive. I have been talking so long now I have forgotten the third element! The third element of your question was sameness, differences and some forces learning from others. Are we still at the learning stage? Yes, we are. We have a national element to our implementation programme which is a national Prevent delivery unit and part of their role is garnering best practice but also evaluating what is going on and that work is informing us all the time.

  Councillor Murphy: Very briefly, just to add to that, there is also significant scrutiny. It is variable, I will acknowledge, but where it actually takes place in the big forces like West Yorkshire and Greater Manchester, we rigorously review the spend for example of counter-terrorism in Greater Manchester, as they do in West Yorkshire. We rigorously review the way in which the Prevent agenda is beginning to evolve. What is factual, as Norman has just outlined, is it is very early. It is new and we are learning. I suspect when it was first introduced people were not quite sure what it meant. Nobody bothered to model it. They just said we will call it Prevent, one of the four Ps. It fitted in very nicely and then left it to police authorities, forces and local government to work out. We are beginning to work it out although I think the most important message in that working out is that the police should not just be allowed to be unfettered in the way in which (a) they go about their business or (b) the money they spend. We bring them to account on a regular basis. It is based on trust and transparency but I can assure the Committee that certainly in GMP and I know in West Yorkshire that occurs and I think it is important we say that.

  Chair: Thank you very much indeed





 
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