Press standards, privacy and libel - Culture, Media and Sport Committee Contents


Examination of Witnesses (Question Numbers 1204-1219)

MR ALAN RUSBRIDGER, MR PAUL JOHNSON AND MR NICK DAVIES

14 JULY 2009

  Q1204 Chairman: For the second part of this morning's session, can I welcome Alan Rusbridger, the Editor of the Guardian, Paul Johnson, the Deputy Editor, and Nick Davies, the author of the stories over the last few days. The main story which you reported was the payment by News International to two individuals of something over £1 million in settlement, but the events which you describe in the story and the subsequent follow-up, they all relate to a period considerably earlier, they relate to the Mulcaire/Goodman period and the Operation Motorman. Is that correct?

  Mr Rusbridger: That is correct. First of all, I have delayed my holiday to come here today, so I hope you will not mind if I am out of here by about five to one, otherwise I am going to miss my holiday, but I wondered if it would help if we structured this so that I spoke and then Nick spoke; I think it would put some of this in context, if that is agreeable to you.

  Q1205  Chairman: Yes, that is fine.

  Mr Rusbridger: With your permission, I would just like to make some general comments about the Guardian story, again with a constructive suggestion for a way through, and Nick will then speak about his story and the basis for it. As a few general points about the story that we ran, it was not a campaign to oust anybody, it was not a campaign to reopen a police inquiry or for more prosecutions or to force anybody to resign and we have not called for any of those, and I would like to emphasise that, as a paper, we do believe in effective self-regulation and we do not want a privacy law which stated that. When you come to effective self-regulation, it seems to me that effective self-regulation can only work if the paper groups are truthful and open with the regulator. I can think of one or two groups, for example Associated, who have conceded past patterns of behaviour and put a stop to them, and the question is whether News International have been similarly frank. Therefore, for me, the three key questions are whether self-regulation was effective in this case, whether the PCC had the full and accurate picture at the time they decided against rigorously investigating the Goodman/Mulcaire case themselves, and whether, given the reassurances at the time and as further facts came out, they and perhaps you should have been kept informed of those new facts. The company has engaged in an aggressive attempt to discredit the Guardian story. A press release last Friday was notably evasive about the central disclosure about the £1 million settlement in three hacking cases, hiding behind their own confidentiality, and it has included a series of cleverly drafted denials of allegations that were not actually made by the Guardian. We reject the assertion by the Chief Executive-elect of News International in a letter to you that we misled the public far less deliberately, and I think News International have, with some success, tried to position it as a spat between two newspapers. Why was the secret settlement significant? Because it undermined the assurances given both to you and the PCC about the sole reporter and the sole detective, the so-called `rotten apple' defence. Les Hinton said: "After a full and rigorous inquiry, Clive Goodman was the only person at News of the World who knew what was going on"; Colin Myler told the PCC: "Goodman's hacking was aberrational, a rogue exception, an exceptionally unhappy event in the 163-year history of News of the World involving one journalist"; Stuart Kuttner, the Managing Director of News of the World on Radio 4: "It happened once at the News of the World". That is why this case is significant, because the evidence in the Gordon Taylor case, though concealed from the public and from you and from the PCC, showed evidence that this was not a practice restricted to, or known about by, one reporter and one private detective, and in a minute Nick Davies will help you more on that. News International have known about the involvement of other journalists, including at senior level, for at least a year. It is believed the case was settled last September, the initial case involving Gordon Taylor, so that begs the question why they did not tell the PCC, the regulator, or the Committee of the new facts that have come to light. Now, the press release they issued on Friday from a major public company said, "It is untrue that the News of the World executives knowingly sanctioned payments for illegal intercepts". That is why, I think, this is a significant story and I hope and believe that any newspaper or broadcaster would have published that if presented with that evidence. If not, it does not say much for press plurality in this country. A secondary element was the claim by two sources familiar with the case that the files showed that thousands of individuals may have been targeted and/or hacked and/or `blagged', and Nick Davies will address that because they are his sources. We do know that there was a sophisticated machine at work 70 hours a week earning one private investigator £100,000 a year plus bonuses and, if it had not been intercepted by the police, it might still be going, so, if the numbers are smaller, it was not due to any virtue on News International's behalf. Before I hand over to Nick, I want to suggest a way forward. It is common ground that journalists on many newspapers and for many years have been making widespread use of dubious methods. I think it is common ground that, in some circumstances, where there is a high public interest those methods may be justified. I think what is less clear are the rules or ethical framework by which editors might reach these difficult decisions, and they should be difficult decisions and not easy decisions, as they seem to have been in some cases, and this comes back to the question of public interest which you have just been discussing with the Director of the PCC. As a profession, we currently operate by a reasonable definition of the `public interest', but it is notoriously difficult to pin down. The press are not the only people in this world who are considering how you codify or guide behaviour, and I have recently been struck by the thinking of Sir David Omand, the Government's former Security and Intelligence Co-ordinator, in a recent IPPR pamphlet because there he says that the intelligence services wrestle with this problem about the fact that finding out other people's secrets is going to involve breaking everyday moral rules. That is what they acknowledge in the intelligence services and I think that maybe some elements of the press have forgotten that. Omand's suggestions for the five guidelines are: one, there must be sufficient sustainable calls, it needs to be justified by the scale of the potential harm; two, there must be integrity of motive, ie, it must be justified in terms of public good; three, the methods used must be in proportion to the seriousness of the business in hand using minimum intrusion; four, there must be proper authority, it must be authorised at a sufficiently senior level with appropriate oversight; and, five, there must be a reasonable prospect of success, ie, no phishing expeditions. I think that is a good tick-list for editors. I think that what we are talking about is so serious that it should be the last, not the first, resort, it should be highly in the public interest, it needs to take into account the potential harm this intrusion can do, the intrusion should be proportionate, there should be no phishing expeditions and it ought to be overseen. I will pass those guidelines round in a second. I think the public would be greatly reassured if it felt—

  Q1206  Chairman: This is a very long opening statement.

  Mr Rusbridger: I am within one sentence of finishing and then I am going to hand over. If editors worked to this code, I hope, as a Committee, that you might find some merit in the suggestion and I will put it before the PCC. Now, there have been calls for us to produce more evidence and at this point I shall hand over to Nick Davies.

  Q1207  Chairman: Can you make it relatively brief because we have quite a lot of questions.

  Mr Davies: I have quite a lot to tell you, but I will do my best. So, you have to understand I am a reporter and, any time a reporter works on a story about a powerful individual or a powerful organisation, human sources get nervous and a gap emerges because these sources will say, "This is what's happening, but you mustn't quote me" or, "Here is a document. You can read it, but you mustn't say you've seen it". That gap is very common between what the reporter knows at first hand and what he or she can disclose in public, and some of this story has been in this gap. Now, something has changed. On Friday evening, News International put out a statement which was deemed by one particularly important source to be "designed to deceive" and, as a result, I have now been authorised to show you things that previously were stuck in that gap, and I am talking about paperwork, so what I want to do is to show you, first of all, copies of an email.

  Q1208  Chairman: If you wish to admit evidence, you have to read it into the record.

  Mr Davies: Read every single word? I will start and you can guide me. Before we distribute it, I want to explain it before it goes round. There are two important things about this because, first of all, in general terms what I am about to give you are copies of an email written by a News of the World reporter on 29 June 2005 to Glenn Mulcaire, referring to another News of the World journalist. Now, there are two points about this, two hurdles I have to overcome ethically. The first is that what this email contains is a typed-up transcript of 35 messages which Glenn Mulcaire has hacked from the telephones of Gordon Taylor, the Chief Executive of the Professional Footballers' Association, and Ms Jo Armstrong, his legal adviser, so transcripts of more than 30 messages from two different targets, two different telephones. The whole thrust, the whole reason for the Guardian doing this is a concern about privacy. If I give you the document with all of the verbatim messages in it, I think I am probably recreating the breach of privacy which we are worried about, so I have masked the wording, all the words of the messages themselves, so you can see who is talking to whom, you can see how many there are and, crucially, you can see the role of the News of the World journalists. The second point, which we are going to have to deal with as we go along, is that I have a worry that, if I start spraying round the names of ordinary working reporters on the News of the World, that opens the door to the organisation saying, "Ah, more Clive Goodmans, more rogue reporters we didn't know about", and the organisation will blame the lowly individuals rather than accepting whatever responsibility is due to themselves. In this, which I am about to send round, you will see the name of the junior reporter who is sending the email and I would ask you to keep that confidential and, insofar as we may use this document outside this House, we will not, ie the Guardian, disclose that junior reporter's name. I will pass this round now. This email, to summarise so that you understand, from a reporter on the News of the World, using a News of the World email address, is sent to Glenn Mulcaire at what, we know, is his email address, shadowmenuk, and at the top you will see that the reporter says, "Hello, this is the transcript for Neville", and Neville is Neville Thurlbeck, the chief reporter of the News of the World. I am happy to name senior people in some contexts.

  Q1209  Mr Sanders: It is just about MPs' expenses, is it not!

  Mr Davies: If you come to page 1, "Hello, this is the transcript for Neville", and Neville is Neville Thurlbeck, so the transcript has been typed up and it is going to the chief reporter of the News of the World. I do not think we should say publicly the name of the reporter, which you can see, who is doing the emailing. At the top, you see `shadowmenuk@yahoo.co.uk', and that is Glenn Mulcaire's email address. In the detail, where it says "JA to GT" on the first one, that is Jo Armstrong to Gordon Taylor and, if you turn to page 2 and look at number five, "GT to JA", that is the other way, so they have hacked Armstrong's phone as well as Taylor's. Now, perhaps I could just leave that with you and move on to a second document which I want to be able to show you.

  Q1210  Chairman: With respect, we have quite a lot of questions for you rather than just—

  Mr Davies: Do you want the evidence or not? It is up to you.

  Q1211  Chairman: Go on.

  Mr Davies: I will give it to you as quickly as I can. The second document which I want to give you is a contract that was signed a couple of months before that document, that email, was produced. This is a contract signed by the then Assistant Editor in charge of news with the News of the World, a guy called Greg Miskiw, and this contract is dated 4 February 2005, so it is about four months before that email. This is a contract between the News of the World and Glenn Mulcaire, offering Mulcaire a bonus of £7,000 if he will deliver the story thereafter about Gordon Taylor. Again, with a view to privacy, I have blacked out the nature of the story which they are after because of Gordon Taylor's privacy, but what you will notice is that this is a fascinating contract because it is made out to Glenn Mulcaire in a false name. Now, there is no dispute that Glenn Mulcaire used the name Paul Williams, and you may want to ask why the Assistant Editor of the News of the World, in relation to this story where we have just seen that email, was making a contract with a man in a false name. That is a sample of some of the paperwork in this case. Now, I need to reconstruct the chronology here and then you will see why it is important. December 2005: a complaint from the Palace to Scotland Yard that there are signs of people's mobile phones being interfered with in the Royal Household and the police were given the inquiry. August 6 2006: Scotland Yard officers arrest Clive Goodman, our man from the News of the World, and Glenn Mulcaire, the private investigator, and seize masses of paperwork, tape recorders and computer records from the homes and/or offices of both men. Now, this timing is terribly important because the two documents which I have just given you are, to the best of my knowledge, material that was in the possession of Glenn Mulcaire that was seized by the police in August 2006. Now, come back to the statement which News International put out on Friday night and I need to read you just one sentence from it which I will find very quickly. The wording of it is: "The police have not considered it necessary to arrest or question any other member of the News of the World staff", ie, other than Clive Goodman. Now, there are two possibilities here, and the police, bear in mind, have had this documentation and whatever else they found since August 2006. Possibility number one: the police have arrested and/or questioned the journalists who are implicated by virtue of this documentation, in which case we need to ask why on earth News International made that statement on Friday night, or News International are right in what they said and Scotland Yard have not arrested or questioned the journalists who are implicated by this paperwork. If News International are correct in saying that these people have not been arrested or questioned, the implications, I am sure you can see, are very, very worrying. I spent yesterday on the phone, asking Scotland Yard for an answer to this question. At the end of the day, they eventually confirmed that they had not arrested any other News of the World staff other than Clive Goodman, but they would not tell me whether they had questioned any. They say it is a matter of routine that they never tell you whether or not they have questioned somebody who has not been arrested, but clearly that is terribly important. Now, I also think it is fair to point out, and ask questions about, a statement that was made by Scotland Yard on Thursday afternoon last week, later in the day that our story was published, where the Assistant Commissioner John Yates told the press, Parliament and the public that he had been asked to establish the facts about all this, and he made a statement which referred to Clive Goodman and to Glenn Mulcaire, but, for reasons which I cannot explain, made no reference to the fact that Scotland Yard has had in its possession for well over two years paperwork which implicates other News of the World journalists. I do not know why he did not tell us, but again it worries me. Then, if we look at this from the point of view not of the police but of News International, we know, as a matter of fact, that this paperwork was disclosed by Scotland Yard to Gordon Taylor's legal team in April 2008, more than a year ago, and we know for sure that, as part of the sealing of the deal, there was the payment of more than £1 million to make sure everybody went away, they did not come back to press, Parliament, the public or the PCC to say, "This is what we now have in our possession". If you go further back to the period between the police raid and their giving evidence to the PCC and the Select Committee, I cannot tell you whether News International executives were aware of the existence of this paperwork. All I think we could ask about is how likely it is that a newspaper that specialises in investigation was not able to discover that its Assistant Editor of News, its chief reporter and another reporter were openly involved in paying for, and circulating transcripts of, work provided in this way by this private investigator; the question hangs there. If we move on in terms of the Scotland Yard evidence, that was from a sample of what they found in Glenn Mulcaire's place that they have not told us about, but, in respect of the material taken from Clive Goodman, all I would point out is that there is a very interesting evidential gap. Goodman was charged with successfully hacking into three phones of Palace staff. If you look carefully at what the Assistant Commissioner said on Thursday, he said, first of all, directing his remarks only to what had gone on between Clive Goodman, as an individual, and Glenn Mulcaire, that Goodman had had hundreds of potential targets for phone-hacking, that he was trying to hack, as I understand that, hundreds of phones and he succeeded only in a handful of cases. What he does not say, and I leave it to you to interpret this, is that Goodman succeeded only in three cases, which is what you would think he would say. This throws up the question: did Goodman succeed in hacking into messages of phones of other people who belong to, or are associated with, the Royal Family? We do not know the answer. That is about Goodman. If I can come to the evidence that the Information Commission has, let us just get the sequence of events right. In March 2003, officers from the Information Commission raid the home of a completely different private investigator, not Glenn Mulcaire, a man called Steve Whittamore who lives down in Hampshire, and they seize wheelbarrow-loads of paperwork and start analysing it. We know, from the report that was subsequently published, that this showed more than 300 Fleet Street journalists, well, in fact journalists from various newspapers and magazines, not just Fleet Street, more than 300 of them, asking Whittamore to provide access on more than 13,000 occasions to databases which appeared to be confidential. We know, and the Information Commission published a statistical summary of, how many news organisations had asked for how many of these requests. What is new is that I now have the names of all 31 journalists from News Group who made those requests. News Group is the company which owns the News of the World and The Sun only. There are 27 names that I have from the News of the World.

  Q1212  Chairman: You do not have the names of the 305 journalists concerned?

  Mr Davies: No, I know about the News Group, so I know the 27 from the News of the World, I know the names of the four from The Sun, I also know the names of every single person who was targeted by those journalists, as reflected in the paperwork seized, and I know every single request that they made, and some of them, I think it is fair to them to point out, are legal where they were asking the guy to get access to the electoral register because ordinary individuals cannot do that on a computer base. Some of them were searches for company directors, but several hundred are clearly requests for information from databases where it would be a breach of the Data Protection Act to get that evidence, unless you had a clear public interest on your side. Now, people keep asking me to name these names and I have not. I do not want to name those names partly because of this concern that I have already expressed, that I do not want the responsibility to fall downwards on the heads of the little people, but also because I am a reporter, not a police officer, but I think it will help us to understand what is going on if I say this much: that there are a number of senior editorial executives whose names clearly show up on that list, making requests which would be illegal if they did not have public interest on their side. I think it is all right to say it, since his name has already come out, that one of the executives that is there is Greg Miskiw who rose to the position of Assistant Editor of News and he is recorded as making 90 requests, and 35 of those are directed at confidential databases where it would be illegal if there were no clear public interest. There are other executives more junior and more senior than him. I want to say, because it is important to make it clear, that Andy Coulson's name does not show up in that list. His colleagues at an executive level do, but Andy Coulson, it is only fair to him to say, is not there, so I would like to give you, if you will indulge me once more, a few more bits of paperwork. These are copies of invoices from News International, making payments to Steve Whittamore, this private investigator who specialists not in phone-hacking, but in what they call `blagging', getting access to confidential databases. First of all, I need to explain where this comes from. This has not come from some secret source in a dark corner. This material was released under the Freedom of Information Act by the Information Commissioner months ago and it may startle you to discover that the newspapers did not bother reporting it. Now, he has done the blacking out on this occasion. He has blacked out the private investigator's home address to protect his privacy and he has blacked out the details of the targets, and the reason I am showing this to you is not because it tracks down some specific criminal offence, but because it shows the systematic and open character of what is going on. These payments have not been made with bags of cash under the counter; they are being made by the News International Accounts Department. You might think that, if this were all a secret that nobody knew, they would have some clever euphemism, like "This is a payment for services rendered", but, as you will see when I hand them round, it is perfectly explicit and it says, "to get an address from a telephone number to get the vehicle registration number converted", so it is just that, to the extent that in the attack on the Guardian story it is being alleged that this was something that nobody at News International knew about, I think these documents may help you. Mr Chairman, may I speak for maybe one minute more and then pause?

  Q1213  Chairman: Yes.

  Mr Davies: I think there is something quite worrying here for all of us. I think that what begins to be very worrying about all of this is that we are not being told the truth. I am worried, for example, by the fact that on Thursday afternoon the Assistant Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, whom I take to be an honest man, stood up and made a statement in which he said, "Where there was clear evidence that people had been the subject of tapping, they were all contacted by the police. These people were made aware of the potential compromise to their phones and offered preventative advice". That is Thursday afternoon that he makes that statement, at about half past five, widely reported. At 7.37 the following evening, Friday, two hours later after most reporters have gone home, in the midst of the confusion caused by the fact that News International had just released its statement at seven o'clock, Scotland Yard quietly put out another statement, which says, "Assistant Commissioner Yates said yesterday that he wanted to ensure that the Met has been diligent and sensible in taking all proper steps to ensure that, where we have evidence that people have been the subject of any form of phone-tapping by Goodman or Mulcaire, they have been informed. The process of contacting people is under way and we expect this to take some time to complete". Why were we told on Thursday that everybody had been approached and then quietly, in this almost invisible fashion because I do not think any newspaper picked this up for Saturday morning, on Friday evening were we told, "We are now contacting people"? I cannot explain that. Why, in the same way, were we not told on Thursday afternoon that the police have had evidence for more than two years of other News of the World staff being involved? I do not know what the answer is and I cannot attempt to explain it to you. Where News International are concerned, I think the worry is, in a way, even greater. If you look back at the statements that have been made by News International or its representatives since August 2006, I cannot find a single statement about the scale of phone-hacking or News International's knowledge of involvement in the phone-hacking which has not proved to be misleading, and that includes, I am sad to say, that statement that was put out on Friday evening which is profoundly misleading and, amongst other things, fails to acknowledge what they know about these other journalists from the paperwork I have given to you. If you put that together with the payment for £1 million to suppress three witnesses who had evidence along with whatever settlements have been made with Clive Goodman and Glenn Mulcaire, which I do not claim to know about, I think it is very, very hard to resist the conclusion that News International have been involved in covering up their journalists' involvement with private investigators who are breaking the law, and it is very worrying that Scotland Yard do not appear to have always said or done as much as they could have done to stop that cover-up.

  Q1214  Chairman: Thank you. That raises a lot more questions and we may need to study some of this and perhaps come back to you in due course, but perhaps I can start off. Part of the confusion here is that there are two separate areas of activity.

  Mr Davies: Correct.

  Q1215  Chairman: They are Glenn Mulcaire, Clive Goodman and potentially other employees of News International, and then there is Operation Motorman, which relates to News Group but almost every other newspaper group, with the exception, I believe, of the Guardian, although I think The Observer had one or two.

  Mr Davies: Correct.

  Q1216  Chairman: Can I, first of all, just look at the transcript you have provided. Can you just tell me again, this email, who is it going to?

  Mr Davies: To the email address which is right at the top, `shadowmenuk', which is certainly Glenn Mulcaire's.

  Q1217  Chairman: But Glenn Mulcaire will have supplied it, so why is he sending it back to Glenn Mulcaire when the information came from Glenn Mulcaire?

  Mr Davies: Because what Mulcaire gets hold of is a tape, an audiotape, in which you can actually hear Gordon Taylor's voice and Jo Armstrong's voice, and somebody has got to transcribe that. You can see that the transcription is primarily for Neville, Neville Thurlbeck, the chief reporter, who is going to be working on the story, but it is also being sent to Glenn Mulcaire for his records or in case it assists him with further enquiries, and I cannot tell you quite why it is being sent to him, but the tape goes in to the News of the World, it is transcribed for Neville Thurlbeck, the chief reporter, and the results are sent back.

  Q1218  Chairman: It seems very odd that the News of the World are sending it back to Glenn Mulcaire.

  Mr Davies: Well, either he cannot type or he has not got a typist. They need a transcript, you see. If you are working on a story, you cannot keep listening to tapes; it would be maddening.

  Q1219  Chairman: So this transcript, you believe, was supplied to Neville Thurlbeck?

  Mr Davies: Well, I can tell you that it was certainly directed at him. If I were a Scotland Yard detective, I would certainly have gone to Neville to say, "What do you say about this?"



 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2010
Prepared 23 February 2010