The Comprehensive Approach: the point of war is not just to win but to make a better peace - Defence Committee Contents


APPENDIX J

TEARFUND

Paper prepared by Tearfund

OVERVIEW AND CONTEXT

  To set the scene please provide an overview of your organisation's involvement in Iraq, Afghanistan or other areas of conflict, and engagement you have with the MoD and /or other UK departments in these conflict zones?

  

  Tearfund is a Christian relief and development agency. We have over 40 years' experience of working in over sixty countries with local partners and through disaster management teams, supporting them to respond to the needs of local communities and to ensure that governments and international policy-makers listen to the voices of the powerless.

  The Disaster Management Teams are currently operational in South Sudan and Darfur, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Afghanistan. Our operational team in Afghanistan has current field bases in Kandahar, Kapisa, Jawzjan and Kabul since 2001 with nine expatriate and 113 Afghan staff managing projects of up to £2 million. This programme has DFID funding from 2005-08 for Disaster Risk Reduction work across three provinces and from 2007-11 for innovations in Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH). In Afghanistan, Tearfund is a leader amongst the humanitarian community in the areas of Community-based Disaster Risk Reduction, household water treatment through BioSand filters and Community Led Total Sanitation.

  Tearfund staff have contributed to Mission Training exercises for NATO as Subject Matter Experts for the civilian cells for Regional Command South. Our UK staff have provided an NGO perspective for three Commando Brigade, 19 Light Brigade and 11 Light Brigade during study weeks as they prepare to go to Helmand. Our civil focal point has attended the Peace Support Operations week at the Defence Academy in Shrivenham in 2008 and 2009 and contributed to the CIMIC course taught at Longmore Camp with Lt Col Dr Stuart Gordon.

Theme 1.  What does your organisation understand by the term the "Comprehensive Approach"?

  Tearfund understands the Comprehensive Approach to describe the approach taken by the MoD, DFID and FCO when approaching conflict or post conflict scenarios in which they are involved. The aim of this cross government work is to ensure collaboration and close coordination of HMG objectives, strategies, and activities in the military, development, and diplomatic spheres. The work of the Stabilisation Unit largely contributes to this as well. The work of the MoD within the Comprehensive Approach uses the language of "civil effects"that is, activities carried out with and for the civilian population and civil society that are in line with the Commanders' objectives for the mission. These include Quick Impact Projects; "hearts and minds" activities for consent winning, reconstruction of infrastructure and capacity building of government ministries including security sector reform.

Theme 2.  Has the MoD and/or other UK Government effectively communicated what it understands by the Comprehensive Approach and the merits of such an approach?

  Tearfund is not aware of any formal communication from the UK Government setting out the adoption of this approach. Tearfund's understanding of the Comprehensive Approach is based simply on being aware of these policy developments due to our membership of various coalition groups: NGO Military Contact Group, BOND Conflict Policy Group and British Agencies in Afghanistan Group (BAAG) etc. The merits of such an approach are little communicated and little evidence has been offered to support them. Tearfund would recommend a more concerted communication by HMG, possibly through DFID, of the benefits of the Comprehensive Approach and how they envisage NGOs and humanitarian agencies are to engage effectively.

Theme 3.  Does your organisation see the Comprehensive Approach as an effective way of addressing international crises?

  Tearfund recognises that there is a vacuum, especially in settings like Afghanistan, which must be filled by the building of government and political institutions. Addressing this vacuum will require coordinated security, development, and diplomatic work, and is not within the mandate or expertise of humanitarian agencies. At the same time, there is an on-going debate between military and some humanitarian agencies about the appropriate level of security needed for NGOs to operate after the `take, hold and develop' activities of the forces and a more fundamental debate about the appropriateness of NGOs to operate in this way given their commitment in the Red Cross Code of Conduct "not to act as instruments of government foreign policy." Tearfund believes that the Comprehensive Approach is a valid experiment to address the political process and bridge the gap between insecurity and security in order to create a stable environment in which to conduct humanitarian aid and development activities.

  This approach needs to be closely monitored for its effectiveness and the extent to which it could severely impact on the safety, security and independence of humanitarian agencies existing operations. The close coordination of development objectives and strategies with military and diplomatic ones should not mean that humanitarian funding is limited to those areas or populations which are foreign policy priorities for the MoD and FCO. There needs to be an understanding that the aims of the British Government are not necessarily in line with the humanitarian objectives of the NGOs and therefore NGOs will not necessarily follow the military after it has "taken and held" a location. It is imperative that the proponents of the Comprehensive Approach do not see NGOs as "force multipliers" of HMG's strategy in conflict areas.

Theme 4.  Has the MoD and/or the UK Government worked effectively with the international community to adopt a Comprehensive Approach

  The FCO has welcomed feedback from the BOND Conflict Policy Group on their strategy regarding the protection of civilians in armed conflict. The MoD involved in Southern Afghanistan have welcomed input into their pre deployment training. However none of this has been communicated as direct involvement in the Comprehensive Approach nor has there been, to our knowledge, a formal launch of the approach. There is an increased drive across government to provide more civilian assistance to post conflict settings in order to strengthen governance and political process with local governments such as the Government of Afghanistan. This has been widely communicated in the media.

Theme 5.  Has the MoD and/or the UK Government built the UK's capacity to engage in a Comprehensive Approach to a crisis? What more could be done?

  The UK Government and they specifically have included a lot more civilian personnel in their operations in Helmand in roles such as Political Advisor and Stabilisation Advisors. The Stabilisation Unit accesses its database of Deployable Civilian Experts to fill such positions under the Cabinet Office. However the aims of these posts seem to be very foreign policy and military-led as opposed to being led by the development needs of the populations affected. Tearfund believes it is imperative that DFID be included at every stage of development of the Comprehensive Approach in order to advise the FCO and MoD of the developmental agenda and how this will contribute to a country's recovery following a conflict.

Theme 6.  What are the challenges faced by NGOs engaging in the planning of a Comprehensive Approach to a particular crisis? How might the MoD/UK Government assist NGOs in addressing these challenges?

  There is little engagement with NGOs in the planning stages of a Comprehensive Approach outside of the classrooms of Shrivenham. To invite NGOs into the planning of the Comprehensive Approach from the DFID or FCO side would yield positive insights. However it must be remembered that NGOs need to maintain their impartiality. Neutrality is absolutely critical in order to comply with the Red Cross Code of Conduct's commitment not "to act as instruments of government foreign policy" and to effectively prioritise on the basis of need alone. This does not mean that NGOs cannot have a healthy relationship or dialogue with government / military actors but this is not seen as collaboration or a convergence of similar objectives and opinions on this engagement will vary across the NGO sector. As a result, the most appropriate route for NGOs to engage with the planning of the Comprehensive Approach would be through DFID. There has to date been little outreach from DFID to NGOs regarding this. When planning for a Comprehensive Approach, the differentiation between the foreign policies of HMG, the British and other international forces from the humanitarian agencies at work in similar locations must be understood on all sides. Again, this does not mean that NGOs cannot have a healthy relationship, dialogue, or coordination with government and military actors, but that NGOs must retain independence in selecting the areas and populations with which they work, and that their humanitarian priorities cannot be presumed to converge with the policy priorities of the government (eg political stabilisation).

  In addition, the Comprehensive Approach plan should not over-estimate the ability of humanitarian agencies to move swiftly into areas which may be considered "stabilised" for purposes of military movement about the area, but in which violence (criminal or low-level insurgent) continues to affect civilians to a significant degree. As most NGOs do not arm themselves and rely largely on their acceptance in communities for protection, their perceptions of security in an area may be very different from HMG personnel who travel armed or under armed escort. Moreover, in cases where NGOs have witnessed the withdrawal of military forces from areas once considered "held," and the return of those areas to insurgent control, they may rightly hesitate to engage in areas newly declared to be "taken and held."

Theme 7.  What are the challenges faced by NGOs in engaging in the delivery of a Comprehensive Approach to a particular crisis? How might MoD / UK Government assist NGOs in addressing these challenges?

  Part of the problem in addressing the different stages of a Comprehensive Approach is that it has not been explained outside of Government what the agreed stages are of the Comprehensive Approach. This makes it difficult to advise on how to overcome the challenges. It is very hard to move from a very military led set of stabilisation activities; physical infrastructural activities, capacity building of political institutions for government, to activities that will be connected to longer term development gains. This is not because such activities are not also appropriate with peace time activities but that those carrying them out will be very different and their approaches with them. Stabilisation, in a layman's understanding of it, it about influence, governance, political process, and capacity building institutions of government. As these activities are being done during the Hot Stabilisation period there needs to be close analysis of how they can be tied to longer term development and be sustainably carried out by the people who will remain in the country for a longer time than HMG's staff. This could be done through the ties made across government departments and the direct capacity building of the human resources in the civil service of the conflict affected country. Providing good management skills to personnel is a key capacity building a country for recovery post conflict.

  Humanitarian agencies delivering services in areas of intense conflict such as Afghanistan must take care not to be perceived as parties to the conflict, or to be collaborating with military forces. If NGO work is publicly "claimed" by a government party to the conflict as a sign of stabilisation and victory, the odds sharply increase that the NGO will come under attack and the benefits of its work will be reduced or lost—witness the increase in volume of attacks in 2008 by insurgent forces against NGOs implementing the National Solidarity Programme (NSP) in Afghanistan. Accordingly, humanitarian NGOs whose work coincides with the Comprehensive Approach of the UK Government (and may be funded as part of that Approach) face the primary challenge of differentiating themselves in the eyes of the population from an ongoing military/counter-insurgency campaign. Whether or not HMG considers increased political stabilisation to be a de facto result of humanitarian NGO work (for example through improved health, food security, or income in a given area), that work should never be made a component of an explicit "hearts and minds" campaign, in which infrastructure or other benefits are explicitly claimed as an achievement by one of the parties to the conflict. HMG can assist NGOs by recognizing this differentiation and adopting a low profile approach to monitoring and publicizing NGO projects in conflict areas.

  General insecurity is another challenge, in areas where criminality and insurgent activity pose a risk of violence to anyone, regardless of perceived affiliation. HMG can continue to assist by accepting the necessary security measures in NGO project budgets (eg staff specifically tasked with security management and analysis; employee training in security management and personal security; increased travel costs due to flights rather than road travel; communications costs such as additional satellite phones and radios; compound security measures such as blast film and razor wire; ballistic blankets and in some cases armour for project vehicles).

Theme 8.  What are the challenges faced in moving between different stages of a Comprehensive Approach, for example from stabilisation to reconstruction?

  It is very difficult for an agency such as Tearfund to advise on these challenges when those outside of Government have not been made fully aware of the different stages specified as constituting the Comprehensive Approach. It is very hard to move from a very military-led set of stabilisation activities (eg physical infrastructure and the capacity building of political institutions for government) to activities that will be connected to longer term development gains. This is not because such activities are irrelevant in peace time, but because those carrying them out will be very different and vary in their approaches. As many activities are being carried out during the Hot Stabilisation period, there needs to be close analysis of how they can be tied to longer term development and be sustainably carried out by the people who will remain in the conflict affected country for a longer time than HMG's staff. This could be done through the ties made across the host government departments and the direct capacity building of the human resources in the civil service of the conflict affected country. Providing good management skills to personnel is a key capacity building a country for recovery post conflict.

Theme 9.  How can local ownership for a Comprehensive Approach be established?

  In order to garner local ownership for a comprehensive approach in crisis situations there needs to be a clear explanation of the merits of the approach. The primacy of a military operation must be acknowledged as having serious limitations when it comes to rebuilding a society immediately after conflict or even during the `Hot Stabilisation' period. The benefits of addressing indigenous ways of organising communities (for example through Shuras in Afghanistan), addressing reconciliation and district level governance need to be acknowledged, engaged, strengthened and used by HMG Stabilisation actors in order for the Comprehensive Approach to be valued, understood and owned locally. Greater input into the domestic security forces of police and legal institutions is needed further to the development of local armed forces. The value of developing and capacity building civil servants to run the conflict affected countries can be addressed by the Comprehensive Approach but there must be permission of those nations to design systems and institutions that are suitable for them not simply a mirror image of the UK.

  Better communication is needed regarding the purpose and benefits of HMG strategy to be targeted at both local governments, down to the lowest district/provincial level, and at other civil society actors including the humanitarian aid community. There will be inherent difficulties in promoting this approach as for example the civilian casualties caused by a military operation are carried out by the same government that is providing reconstruction and development through the comprehensive approach. The local population needs to believe that HMG's involvement is for their good, their protection and the improvement of their daily lives. If this is not actually the case, or is perceived not to be the case then local ownership of the approach as a whole will be unlikely.

Theme 10.  What lessons have been learnt from the application of the Comprehensive Approach in Iraq, Afghanistan or other countries?

  It is difficult for an NGO to comment on anything learnt by government but we would encourage some research into this. A sharing of those lessons would also be welcome as the approach continues to be used and developed in areas of conflict. As an NGO engaged in disaster response, Tearfund has learnt the importance of dialogue with the military forces operating in the same environment in order to explain our organisation's mandate, our manner of working and how the work of the military and stabilisation impacts this.



 
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