The proposals for national policy statements on energy - Energy and Climate Change Contents


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 550 - 559)

WEDNESDAY 27 JANUARY 2010 (afternoon)

MR PETER LANYON, MS VARRIE BLOWERS AND MR BARRY TURNER

  Q550  Dr Whitehead: Welcome Mr Lanyon, Ms Blowers and Mr Turner. Could you please introduce yourselves for the record?

  Mr Turner: My name is Barry Turner. I am the Vice Chairman of the Blackwater Against New Nuclear Group (BANNG).

  Ms Blowers: I am Varrie Blowers. I am the Secretary of the Blackwater Against New Nuclear Group otherwise known as BANNG.

  Mr Lanyon: I am Peter Lanyon, and I am representing both the Shut Down Sizewell Campaign and the Communities Against Nuclear Expansion.

  Q551  Dr Whitehead: Mr Lanyon, perhaps you would like to make your presentation.

  Mr Lanyon: Thank you. The Shut Down Sizewell Campaign is an NGO of approximately 300 members, locally and worldwide, maintained by private subscription for over 24 years—we formed just after the Chernobyl disaster—opposing nuclear power stations on the Suffolk coast, and Communities Against Nuclear Expansion (CANE) represents a body of local people in the vicinity of Sizewell, Suffolk, who are opposed to further nuclear expansion. The organisation includes a number of teachers, doctors, former civil servants, campaigners and former councillors with experience of the impacts of two nuclear power stations and the plans for further reactors at Sizewell. Mr Wright has asked me to talk chiefly about the impressions locally of the DECC meeting and exhibition on 3, 4 and 5 December. The general local opinion is that the whole thing is a done deal already. They will not take any notice of us, so why bother? They did not take any notice of the Sizewell A End State when they had a consultation about that and we said we wanted it to go back to a greenfield site, so they will not take any notice now. We know it is in the wind that they are busy screwing up the planning laws so we cannot take part in planning inquiries anyhow and, therefore, all this stuff that DECC are coming down to exhibit and meet us about will just be a load of whitewash. There will be lots of suits and smart talk and it is being held at the industry's own posh sports and recreation centre, so we know what we can expect. That is the feeling, and that was the feeling that we had to try and cope with when the two organisations suddenly realised that we could not stand back and take this, we had to do what we could. To get into the NPSs, as everyone here knows, is a monstrous task. It is very bad for NGOs, as Jim Duffy has already told you. I understand there is something like 2,000 pages to be read and ours is one of the first meetings and exhibitions DECC put on, so we had even less time to read them than anyone else. It is very difficult for us; it is impossible for members of the public in a place like Leiston, near Sizewell, to even get a feeling for what is going on. What ought to have been public consultation when DECC came down to Sizewell is not what in fact turned out. Public consultations, under the Aarhus Convention, are supposed to be at a formative stage when there is still the possibility of changing things. That is not the case here, unless your Committee will throw it out. It has already been decided. The whole thing is not capable of change. Moreover, if you read the NPSs, they are overwhelmingly persuasive from start to finish. They are tendentious, they are arguing for a cause and, when they do talk about whether Sizewell is suitable, it is all mitigating circumstances to improve what they are already deciding they are going to impose on us. Public consultations are not meant to be anything of that sort. Therefore, it is an enormous burden for anyone who wants to get involved around Sizewell to turn that sort of tendentious argument round to see it from our point of view, and for that sometimes—because the NPSs are written by experts—we needed counter-experts, particularly about the land issues of the access road but also about other things. We asked for an extension of time so that we could consult some experts—difficult enough over the Christmas break. That was refused. The inadequate time also contravenes the Aarhus Convention, but so does the lack of public participation which actually happened at Sizewell. What should have happened was that there should have been deliberative discussions, dialogue, which could have been involved in developing the public ownership of the problem so the public could have turned round and said what they really thought about it. There was none of that sort of iterative process at all. The next public meeting at Leiston was neither deliberative nor participative. There were about 140 people there on 5 December. The extraordinary thing was that most of them were people we had managed to rouse because we had heard of the meeting through the Internet, which was just about the only place it was publicised. The other extraordinary thing about the people there was that there were no young people at all[2], and yet this is going to be their problem and their descendents' problem. There was virtually no-one there under about 40 or 50 years of age. The publicity was negligible. I have not been able to find a copy of any leaflet or poster that was put up, and that is the way that people in rural East Suffolk and the small towns of Leiston, Saxmundham and Aldeburgh get their information. There was, I believe, a notice in the local paper, but not everyone reads the local paper, and I still do not know which paper that was. The meeting lasted 165 minutes. The DECC officials and the facilitators spoke for 55 minutes, which left us with less than 140 minutes, which means that if everyone wanted to participate they would have had less than one minute each to both speak and to get an answer out of DECC. It was farcical, and that was all there was. It is sad, because when we went into the hall we found that the seating was arranged in a chatty fashion around tables, with about six seats to a table; so we said, "Whoopee, they are going to have a workshop, or a seminar, or something. They are going to get us involved." Not a bit of it. It was presentations from DECC, two long 20-minute presentations, plus facilitation which picked out one or two speakers, but nothing like all the speakers who wanted to talk. What should have happened, if they really wanted to know what the people of Leiston thought about the NPSs, was discussions, a workshop, a panel, a forum, a citizens' jury, or something like that, which are all well-known ways of finding out what the public think. I take my example from the excellent public consultations run by Lancaster University about the ISOLUS project of nuclear submarines. This had none of those sorts of interactive discussions at all. The only other thing at Leiston was DECC's exhibition, which I visited on two of its three days. When I was there it was very poorly attended, and that is probably because it was a considerable way out of the town in pretty hostile weather for two of the days. On the third day the meeting moved into the town. Once again, the two occasions I spent there, and the first time I was there for a couple of hours, there was no-one under about 50 who went in. The atmosphere inside was a sort of awed hush, because one felt intimidated by the glossy pictures around the wall and also by the persuasive arguments of the big print which was staring out at you about the thing. There were some intimidating state-of-the-art computer things running. Most of us, including myself, in that part of the world are not maybe as computer literate as DECC is, but it was not the way to find out what the people of East Suffolk thought, and the tendentious tone, again, of what we were presented with was very unpleasant to anyone who, like myself, does not agree with it. Either one feels disempowered and one walks out or one gets antagonistic, and that was unfortunate, because the staffing of the exhibition was charming, polite and amiable. One of the biggest pictures there was quite blatantly wrong. It suggested that the new power stations as Sizewell were going to be just one reactor building and a pond, and that is rubbish. Everyone there knows it is rubbish because they know what the present two stations look like, particularly the second one, and they knew that the future nuclear stations (and there will be two reactors) will be bigger and more intrusive too, and so that was plain wrong. I believe that picture was removed on the third day, but I did not see it myself. More important, perhaps, was the fact that there was no realistic presentation at all of the colossal threat of the access road. That is going to cut straight across an AONB, an SSSI, is going to make a mess of a Ramsar site, it is going to be plumb next-door to the RSPB's famous reserve at Minsmere and it is going to be a blot on the entire heritage coast. Yet at the exhibition this was completely minimised. There was no display which in any way suggested what that was going to be like.


  Q552  Dr Whitehead: Mr Lanyon, I am afraid I am going to have to ask you to bring your remarks to a close in a moment.

  Mr Lanyon: Thank you. The effect was that that was mitigation: it was making it better. I would like to stop there and just conclude by saying that that consultation (and that was all it was, the exhibition and the meeting) failed to engage the people of East Suffolk and thank you for engaging me instead.

  Q553  Dr Whitehead: Thank you. Ms Blowers and Mr Turner.

  Mr Turner: Good afternoon. I would like to start by reading out a recent quote: "The more I hear about what is being proposed for Bradwell and the way in which it is being done, the less I can see how it can be agreed with." This was a statement made only just over a week ago by a local mayor in the Bradwell and Blackwater area. He had received a response from DECC to a letter that listed the local towns' concerns about having a new Bradwell Power Station, and the response that came back was described as being superficial and evasive, nothing was answered at all, which was somewhat like the consultation processes that we have already experienced. We think that the example of this mayor and his view illustrates the reactions of most of the people once they hear and realise what could happen if a new nuclear power station or, indeed, maybe three new power stations are built at Bradwell. I will not read to you all of our submission, because that would use up valuable time, but I would like to give you a flavour of it, in case you have not read it. Looking at the executive summary, it goes, "The Government's process of consultation on the draft nuclear NPS cannot, by any standard, have been deemed to be open and effective. It has failed to clearly inform people around the Blackwater Estuary of the main differences between the operation of a new nuclear power station, or power stations, at Bradwell and the operation of the old power station". Basically, people assume it is more of the old. It is not. "We believe effective communications would have resulted in residents understanding the following differences, which most, sadly, are only just beginning to realise but many are in ignorance". The main points: high level radioactive waste could be stored on site for 160 years or more—that is something like five or six generations. DECC hopes that by then a national repository will have been built somewhere to accommodate this, but , of course, this cannot be guaranteed. What happens if that does not get achieved? We do not know. A new more powerful nuclear power station would require far more cooling water from the relatively narrow and shallow Blackwater Estuary. If you are not familiar with it, it is not a large, wide open to the sea span of water, it is a relatively limited shallow stretch of water that goes only ten miles up to Maldon and it is mostly surrounded by mud flats. It is extremely shallow. The concern is that far greater volumes of water would result in far more serious damage to fishing and oyster industries, to the ecology and the marine life in general, let alone things like holidays and tourism, which are very prevalent in the area. There is a proposal to build two additional nuclear power stations at Bradwell. These would require cooling towers due to a lack of sufficient cooling water in the estuary. The location for this very large nuclear complex, which would be built next to the partly decommissioned power station, is a vulnerable and very low-lying site and it is rated, the majority of it, at flood risk three, which is a high risk of flooding. Somehow this has got to be securely protected for 160 years, or more, against increasing threats from such things as rising sea levels, flooding, storm surges and tsunami. Another point is that Mersea Island is only two miles downwind of this complex. Mersea Island is an island. The only access is across a narrow causeway called The Strood. It is an old Saxon access road. This road regularly floods and, if you wish, I can leave you with one of our timetables because if you get the tides wrong you cannot get on or off the island; you are stuck. It has a population of some 7,500 people. We are not quite like Anglesey perhaps, but in the summer this rises to 15,000 because of the holiday season. A lot of holiday-makers come to the island; there are chalets, mobile homes and all sorts. In 1962, when the old place was built, there were only 3,500 or maybe only 3,000, I am not absolutely sure, but it is claimed that with this large increase in population we do not need an emergency evacuation plan. This is in spite of the fact that sometimes people would not be able to get off the island, and this is quite extensive periods. It is claimed that one is not necessary because the threats from a new nuclear power station are vanishingly small, and we are supposed to believe that and think we can sleep happily. Hang on: why do they not build it in London then? We know it is not true. Then there are other claims. Increased employment would benefit all local communities. This is very questionable because Bradwell is not particularly accessible to anybody who lives on the north side of the estuary. The roads are narrow and winding; it is a long, arduous journey, even though the north side might be only two or three miles away. On the contrary, we are convinced that the presence of a prominent nuclear complex is just as likely to cause a decline in major employment in the valuable tourism, holidays, sailing, fishing and oyster cultivation industries around the Blackwater Estuary. Incidentally, I do not know if you are aware of it, but the River Blackwater is a prime source of native oysters. This is in the report, but it provides a lot of work to people. As far as I can tell, and I am not an expert, I do not have the time, we think there are at least 100 people primarily involved in native oyster cultivation. They are world renowned; they export them all over the place. The continuation of this would be under extreme threat because of the huge volumes of cooling water and the addition of biocides to keep the cooling systems clean. Somehow we are supposed to accept with confidence that this can all be mitigated and no harm will be done. Again, if you read this you will see that there is strong evidence that extreme harm was done when the old operation was going. It only closed in 2002. There were no oysters on the south side of the estuary in the vicinity, one and a half miles either side the flora of the estuary was bleached and bare, but the old operators denied that it was anything to do with what they were doing, which is clearly not true. This can only get worse with a new one, because the estuary has only got limited volumes of water. Clearly it is going to need something like three times the new volume if it is an EPR that is put there. Nobody really knows what the effect will be, but somehow we are expected to be happy and believe that this can all be mitigated. This is really the point we believe. The whole process seems to be a bit of a rush to approve an unsuitable site. We think there is extreme bias in the whole process. We have got this massive collection of reports, that has already been mentioned. Somehow we are supposed to find the time to read and understand all these things and give you feedback. Certainly we cannot do it in ten minutes or in eight pages of submissions—it is impossible; there is just too much of it—so this has got to be ploughed through by us and other interested members of the public, and it is extremely difficult to do. What we find when we read this stuff is that when it comes to making opinions as to the suitability of the site and the surrounding influencing factors—some of which I have mentioned but not all of them by the way—negatives are usually avoided. There is very little mention of negative aspects, there is plenty of mention of positive aspects and they seem to be exaggerated, and we are supposed to believe that this is a balanced, unbiased report. I am sorry; clearly, it is not. What we are supposed to do is feel satisfied that this is a good method of determining what should happen at Bradwell and, anyway, if this process fails, there is the fallback of overriding national imperative, which seems to be there to force a decision through—and that is regularly mentioned in all of the reports—so, if the IPC does not accept this, you have got it anyway; hard luck to people in the Blackwater. We think this is a pretty poor process. As I say, there is too much to talk about, but even if you just look at the appraisal of sustainability (and I know I have got very little time left), there are so many examples where things are just not mentioned. It talks about the benefits of increased employment; it does not talk about the threats to the industries that already exist there, many of which, I think, would vanish. If you do not know Merseyside, there are beach huts facing the existing power station. Okay, it is closed now, but if we have a massive new complex, I cannot imagine many people wanting to come to the island for a holiday with the threats. I know we are supposed believe it is safe, but that cannot be guaranteed. I suspect I have had my time. I could go on for a long time, but this stuff is so biased. It is not a valid, balanced report and, I am sorry, it seems to go through the whole process. I am only repeating what has been said already. I just think it is very disappointing. Incidentally, BANNG is not comprised of totally anti-nuclear people—not at all. Most of the people, probably at least 60 per cent, are not necessarily opposed to nuclear, they just think Bradwell is such a ridiculous place to choose to put something that has got to be protected in a difficult site against all the uncertainties. Incidentally, we had an earthquake some years ago. It was before there were ways of measuring it, but it is probably one of the biggest ones that happened in the UK. That gets scant attention in any of these reports. I could go on and on, but it is a flawed document, and I think we should expect it to be a balanced document which reports favourably on risks as well as benefits, the threats to people's jobs, the threat to the surrounding infrastructure or maybe the result that other new industries are disinclined to come to the area because they do not think it is a suitable place. I will hand over to my colleague, if I have not used up too much time. Thank you.

  Ms Blowers: I would like to make several criticisms relating to the Government's consultation process and make a few comments on the National Policy Statement EN-6. First of all, BANNG is extremely concerned that the proposal to have long-term, for 160 years that is, highly radioactive spent fuel on the Bradwell site has been rolled into and subsumed in the consultation on the proposal for a new nuclear power station. The Government is well aware that the public has deep anxieties about radioactive waste and seems to be avoiding open and transparent consultation on this very important issue. BANNG believes that there must be a separate consultation process dealing only with the proposal for the storage of this spent fuel. Otherwise communities will have this dangerous waste foisted on them without any say at all in the matter. This is not only undemocratic, it is down right dishonest. The DECC exhibition and public meetings. The venues for the DECC exhibition and public meetings were quite selective. None of them was held in any of the large centres of population in the area: Colchester, Chelmsford, Clacton or Southend. There were events held in Maldon, but none in Colchester, which is much larger and closer to Bradwell. The advertising of the events was quite inadequate and, as a result, thousands of people have been denied the opportunity to take part in any debate. BANNG found itself in the position of having to inform people of the events and of prompting them to attend. The local press has reported that the people of Bradwell village itself, right next to the site, are very angry that a public meeting was not held there and feel they are being denied any say in discussions. It was left to members of the public to raise the issue of long-term nuclear waste storage on site at all the meetings, and the responses that were received were quite unsatisfactory. I should also mention that the document on the management of nuclear waste was not on offer at either of the DECC public meetings in Maldon or at West Mersea. The format of the meetings was not conducive to proper public engagement, with questions from the floor receiving responses from the platform with little opportunity to question unsatisfactory responses. I will move on to the consultations on the various stages. BANNG has made substantial and well informed responses to each of these consultations on strategic siting assessment, justification and the "Have your Say" on site nomination. Scant attention has been paid to these. Virtually no changes were made and responses from the Government have been general rather than specific. In the responses justification the request made by BANNG and several other groups for a public inquiry into further new nuclear practices in the form of new nuclear power stations could be justified. It was just completely ignored. BANNG has made every effort to comply with government consultations and to make serious and well evidenced criticisms of government documents. It is extremely frustrating, demoralising and disappointing when these are substantially ignored. Members of the public actually tried to take part in the Have your Say consultation and struggled with this because it was so complicated. I will move to the consultation on the draft energy National Policy Statements and justification.

  Q554  Dr Whitehead: I am going to ask you to draw your remarks to a close very shortly. I appreciate there are two of you.

  Ms Blowers: Perhaps I will just skip over the NPS except to say that it is clearly a green light for the development of nuclear power stations. I would just like to say something about BANNG. I think that BANNG has done a lot more than the Government to raise the public's awareness in the Blackwater area about what the Government's proposals are and also about the storage of waste. Although it is not perfect, the BANNG petition appears to represent the only real effort of large-scale face-to-face consultation in the country. Our findings are going to surprise the Government, which asserts that existing nuclear communities welcome the prospect of hosting new power stations. The thousands of people approached so far by BANNG have made it clear they do not want a nuclear complex at Bradwell. To conclude, BANNG believes there is no proper and open consultation on the proposal to store highly radioactive nuclear waste on site at Bradwell in the long-term. This storage raises technical, social and ethical issues which can only be addressed through a completely separate public consultation process. The consultation process so far is seriously flawed, the procedures are unbalanced, unfair and do not represent the viewpoints of local communities. There is a complete absence of effort by government to find out what these communities really think about new nuclear build in their areas. Therefore. we conclude that the national policy statements are not fit for purpose and we appeal to this Committee to use its influence with government to insist that a proper, open and transparent consultation should be undertaken. Either that or the Government should scrap what already has happened and start again.

  Q555  Dr Whitehead: Thank you very much. Perhaps I could make clear to Mr Lanyon, Ms Blowers and Mr Turner, and, indeed, to all our witnesses this afternoon, should you consider that there is anything you really wanted to say but did not have time to say it, or were not able to say it, or there is information in addition to the submissions you have made to the Committee, the Committee would welcome any further written material that you may want to provide.

  Ms Blowers: Thank you very much.

  Q556  Sir Robert Smith: Could I raise some specific questions with Mr Turner about the earthquake. When was it roughly?

  Mr Turner: It was 1884, so it is a long time ago, but I believe it is calculated to have been somewhere in the order of 5.6.

  Q557  Sir Robert Smith: It has not been addressed at all?

  Mr Turner: No. If it has, it has been kept secret.

  Q558  Mr Weir: Mr Lanyon and Mr Turner, like other witnesses, both of you have raised concerns about the consultation process. Could you tell me what period of notice you were given of the public meeting and what you are aware of as to publicity? Mr Lanyon said he thought it was maybe in one of the local papers. How many local papers are there in the area? A previous witness said there was a radio advert. Were you aware of any such adverts in your area? Again, Mr Turner, there is mention in your paper about DECC claiming to have distributed 11,000 leaflets in your area, but nobody seems to have got them. Can you tell us a bit about what you know of the publicity that took place in your area?

  Mr Turner: To take the leaflets, when it was brought up at the meeting how little publicity there had been, bear in mind there was no announcement of where our meeting would take place until a matter of seven days beforehand. It had not been announced. I tried the website—most members of the public would not know about the website, but I did—and it listed a meeting date but no venue. When we ran the meeting there was a question raised that most people did not know about it except on the initiative of a local newspaper reporter who actually put a notice about the meeting in that paper, which is widely circulated in our particular area anyway, but when it was asked how many people had received a leaflet after this claim of over 11,000 being distributed, only three people out of, I think, 58 put their hands up—that is all. There were claimed to have been adverts put in other local papers in Colchester and elsewhere, but there was no evidence that people had reacted to that. Also, I should point out that the consultation in West Mersea was conducted on a working day in the early afternoon. People who are working had to take time off or miss it. People are very sceptical about the whole process because of the apparent dishonesty of what we are being told about how we are supposed to have been involved and yet it is almost a secret.

  Q559  Mr Weir: Mr Lanyon.

  Mr Lanyon: I no longer live close enough to Sizewell myself to have been in the position to receive any of the leaflets, but I have not been able to find anyone who has received any of the leaflets. You are right, it was in the local newspaper. It was in the East Anglian Daily Times, which is the area newspaper. I do not think it was on any radio programme, I have not heard it was, but the thing that did impress me was that the great bulk of the people that did go to the meeting were those who probably were informed by us after we got it through the Internet. The general complaint is, "We do not look at the Internet; so we did not know about it until the last moment." As to when we first heard about it, I heard about it about a fortnight before at the start of the last week in November, and it was on 3, 4 and 5 December, but that was through the networking NGOs I belong to. I do not remember exactly when DECC announced it, but I could find out for you, and I certainly will.

  Ms Blowers: Would you mind if I just told you what happened to me at Maldon? The DECC exhibition was being held in the town hall there on 11 December. I was standing outside in the freezing cold collecting signatures for the BANNG petition, and almost everyone I approached knew absolutely nothing about the exhibition or about the public meeting that was due to take place in Maldon the next day. In the interests of openness and democracy, I directed people to the exhibition. I arrived at the exhibition just before half past ten originally and I was clocked in as the first person to appear, and it had started at 8.30. My husband followed shortly after; he was the second. I think there was quite a lull until I cottoned on that people did not know about it and sent them into the exhibition.

  Mr Lanyon: Could I add that one of the great troubles was that it was in the run-up to Christmas, and it is not the sort of time that people are going to get involved in things like this when they are already disposed to thinking it is a done deal already. There are just too many consultations going on and people have become fed up with them.


2   Note from the witness: "There was one person there under 20, who made a most pertinent comment." Back


 
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