The proposals for national policy statements on energy - Energy and Climate Change Contents


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 20 - 36)

WEDNESDAY 6 JANUARY 2010

MR HUGH ELLIS

  Q20  Mr Weir: The alternative viewpoint, is it not, is if you give the IPC this power you are in effect setting up yet another organisation to monitor carbon emissions. The Government is setting targets for carbon emissions, presumably setting down what it considers to be the proper energy mix, and it is for the Government to determine, through the Climate Change Committee or whatever, whether these targets are being met and to monitor that, and the IPC's role is to look at specific issues relating to planning not to carbon emissions and by giving them this power you are simply duplicating what DECC and the Climate Change Committee should be doing in any event?

  Mr Ellis: I think that would be right if the NPSs set out a clear framework for an energy mix that delivered on the target. That is not the case so we are back into this position where there is an accumulation of problems and it is for the private sector to determine our energy mix and the IPC cannot consider need so it cannot refuse any application that comes forward on the basis of need. If there is more gas in the system that is nothing to do with the IPC because the NPSs make it clear that that is a private sector-led initiative.

  Q21  Mr Weir: It is for the Government and the Climate Change Committee in terms of our targets for carbon emissions. It is up to them to say this is not right the way forward for energy, we do not need more gas, we need more renewables, nuclear, whichever way you want to go, so it is not really a matter for the IPC and it should be done at a different level?

  Mr Ellis: This is the difficulty. At the highest level the accounting process certainly is a matter for the Committee on Climate Change, but the IPC has new and extraordinary power to grant the development consent that generates the carbon. The Committee has no involvement in that process. Perhaps it should. The Committee has an involvement in the preparation of National Policy Statements and presumably they will produce a response as a statutory consultee (and we are not aware of where that response is going) but they have no involvement with the IPC at the decision-making stage at the point where emissions will begin to be generated, and because there is no connection between that, there is potential for huge carbon leakage in the system. There is a delivery problem is what I am trying to say.

  Q22  Mr Weir: You have talked about decentralisation of energy and there will be a lot of energy that is less than 50 MW that will not fall within the IPC system, so if the IPC have the power that you are looking for in respect of carbon emissions then is there not a huge black hole because of decentralisation because of the growth of smaller generators, and is it not more sensible to have the power either with DECC or with the Climate Change Committee to set the overall limits? Is it not right that the IPC merely looks at the development rather than the carbon emissions of the particular development?

  Mr Ellis: There are difficulties. There is quite a lot there. It is certainly the case that the rest of the planning system has strong obligations in policy to consider climate change but it does not have any relationship with the accounting mechanism that the Committee has at the moment, and that is a problem, absolutely. For me it is absolutely vital if we are to make forward progress on climate change that from the point of view of the front-line in terms of detailed planning decisions, the sum total of all planning decisions taken—and let us just stick with energy for a second—needs to be accounted for effectively if we are to deliver below the curve by mid-century. There cannot be a sector where we make a huge predictions about the energy profile without understanding in detail what those profiles would be. It seems to me that at the point of decision, and particularly with the IPC because the energy projects are so big they need to understand the carbon profile, even if they pass that information instantly on to another body to deal with like the Committee that would be perfectly acceptable. It is also the case that the environmental impact assessment regulations require applicants to submit evidence on atmospheric emissions already, so we are already in a position where applicants are having to deal with producing the carbon profile of their developments. Whether that has been tested at law I do not think it has yet, but it certainly would be a challenge if for example a major new gas-fired power station came along that did not contain a carbon profile of the life cycle of that development in the application. If that is the case, the information is being generated at the point of application for the benefit of the IPC. All we are arguing is that the IPC then needs to do something with that information whereas at the moment the Government is saying it cannot. It needs either to pass it on to the Committee or to make its own judgment or report annually on the level of emissions it has approved.

  Q23  Mr Weir: Given the ways things are moving, dealing with carbon capture and storage for example where we are talking about once it is approved fitting it to new stations as they are built, surely that information is being developed at an earlier stage because anybody going forward for example with a new coal-fired power station within the next few years will have to take into account the carbon emissions from that, the efforts of carbon capture and storage or whatever to clean up these emissions, so that would be developed presumably at an early stage before the application gets before the IPC because that will have to be an integral part of any application for a future power station under the rules being developed?

  Mr Ellis: Again there is some complexity there but there are two responses. The first one is that if you give the IPC a metric to understand carbon, a system to understand carbon, that works both ways. Those applications coming forward that decarbonise our energy supply should expect to have positive treatment in the system. They are meeting the policy requirements and that clearly makes them move through the process faster. However, for a carbon intensive project, and just to pick up the point about carbon capture, my understanding is that we have a carbon capture regime for coal and we have carbon readiness for gas but not any ambition at the moment in the immediate future to fit gas.

  Q24  Mr Weir: I think those are Energy Bill arguments coming through.

  Mr Ellis: My only point from a planning perspective about it is that that means there is still a potential for carbon-intensive energy development to come through the system. What has worried me personally about it is to see the level of gas being approved under the old regime. That is my concern. That reflects back on whether or not the IPC needs to consider carbon because if carbon capture solved all our problems, which we hope in an ideal world it would, that would be fine, but it does not seem that is going to happen in the immediate future and particularly not for gas, and it seems that gas is going to be one of our lead fossil fuel alternatives. Given all of that we are still in the position where the IPC needs to have a role on carbon. After all, just taking a step back, it has a role thinking about almost everything else in detail but not carbon. It has been given the information so there is no greater burden on the private sector because they have to generate the information anyway in relation to environmental impact assessments, so in our view in that sense it does seem almost perverse that the IPC cannot at least be able to say to government, "You do realise that we are approving a lot more gas in the framework than you anticipated?" and a memorandum of understanding with the Climate Change Committee would be a start. Ultimately, in the case of NPSs it should be in strategic policy where this issue is resolved. If there were an agreed energy mix probably NPSs could make more progress on the framework for a low carbon energy system for the future.

  Paddy Tipping: Let us change the focus and move away from carbon and talk about the energy mix and the need for an energy mix and needs and issues that you have talked about quite a lot. John, are you going to pursue this?

  Q25  Mr Anderson: The TCPA was concerned that the NPSs do not allow the IPC to consider need. Why would they need to consider the need?

  Mr Ellis: This relates back to the worries that we have about reaching the right energy mix and the Low Carbon Transition Plan lead scenario. It is simply an issue that the argument presented to us is that market mechanisms will influence what applications come forward and therefore, as we have already debated, the IPC need not think about it, but the IPC needs to be able to understand need to ensure that we do not end up with a very highly carbon intensive energy mix.

  Q26  Mr Anderson: Are you saying then that the IPC should dictate what the mix should be?

  Mr Ellis: No, I think that the right framework would be that the National Policy Statements should provide more prescription on the delivery of the lead scenario in the Low Carbon Transition Plan. Having created that prescription it is for the IPC to deliver it. To give a practical example, if that amounted, crudely, to four gas stations and not five, when the fifth application came forward it would be for the IPC to say, "Actually we cannot see that there is the need for this application." That seems to us to be really powerfully logical and perfectly reasonable. Again it is something that happens in the rest of the planning framework.

  Q27  Mr Anderson: You talk a lot about gas and the Government's policy of course is to try and steer away from gas. You never talk about security of supply and yet that surely is part of why we are going towards a mix? There is an obvious anti-nuclear slant either coming from yourself or your group. Why would it be that you do not consider the mix as a general whole and that you just want to talk about certain bits that your body does not like?

  Mr Ellis: I think in relation to nuclear the reason that we are focused and upset about it is not because we have taken a strong position in TCPA to be anti-nuclear (although we remain sceptical) it is because of the issues around public consultation specifically, and nuclear happens to be the only site-specific energy NPS there is to debate. I am absolutely convinced that if we are going to have any chance of dealing with climate change we need a very strong strategic policy on an energy mix, absolutely maximising to the greatest possible degree our renewable resources. In that sense, if the framework delivered on than ambition—and that requires a mix and it requires consideration of energy security; I absolutely accept that—then there would be a strong case for the NPSs as written. I think our issue is what is buried in the NPSs clearly is a strong market-led idea about the energy mix and we are not satisfied that we can have confidence that the private sector will bring forward the technology that we need. It is not that they necessarily will not; it is just that the private sector has to operate in a powerful strategic framework set by government. The powerful strategic framework is there in principle in the NPSs but it is not there in practice, in the sense that they do not contain strong guidance about what the energy mix should be. Ultimately, I am sure the Government will be committed to wanting nuclear to be part of the energy mix. It has said that and that is policy and therefore that is where we are and there is no point arguing about that. What I am suggesting is that if we for example go on not having a consideration of need, we may end up with an awful lot more gas in our energy mix than renewables, and that really worries me, partly because of the potential economic development prospects around renewables and obviously more crucially because of the carbon intensity of that profile.

  Q28  Mr Anderson: Would you not accept then that is precisely the problem we have had in years gone by in getting planning permission for renewables in particular, and it has been not very helpful, to say the very least, and that the hold-ups in the planning process have in effect caused the problems that you are talking about?

  Mr Ellis: The problems about onshore renewables worry me deeply. It has to be said that we still await—and it is about to be published—the new PPS on climate change which we hope will provide even stronger policy. Most of the programmes of course are under 50 MW in the local planning framework and it is absolutely clear that we have need to have a much stronger sense that the planning programme is committed to delivering on climate change. The CLG's own research on that over the summer suggested that climate change only featured in about ten per cent of planning applications as an issue. There is a massive problem with the profession, frankly, and with the culture of planning. I put my hands up to the immense progress that we need to make inside planning on climate change, but that does not change the fact that we need to have an effective delivery mechanism and effective policy, and at 50 MW and above that requires biting the bullet about how much ambition we want for renewables. I would never set a limit on the amount of renewables, you cannot really have enough, but I would want to understand in detail before the NPS is published whether the heavy commitment to approving gas under the current system may or may not compromise our ability to build the amount of renewables that we need. That is my worry.

  Q29  Mr Anderson: Let us talk specifically about the needs of the nation and what we need in relation to a baseload electricity power supply. You have put a lot of emphasis on renewables and how much you would like to see it, and we all would love to see a lot more renewables, but at the end of the day we do have to have that baseload that keeps the country ticking over. Due to our commitment to the EU that will necessitate either carbon capture and storage being developed or the building of new nuclear plants or the reliance on gas coming from international markets. Do you accept then that there is a need for these new plants to be built to maintain the baseload for the nation and that the planning process cannot be used as a stopgap to stop these plants being built?

  Mr Ellis: I certainly accept that there is clearly a role for fossil fuels in the mix in the immediate future and going forward. There is certainly huge potential for renewables and the idea of a smart European grid for renewables was talked about yesterday in the media. I am also quite clear though looking at the issue of security of supply that we have approved under the old system either under construction or consented to construct somewhere in the region of 20 MW which replaces what is being decommissioned. This is in this useful diagram in the overarching Energy NPS and repeated in the Low Carbon Transition Plan. That is all under the old system, a system that was not meant to work and that does not include a figure for those applications for gas currently under consideration in the old framework. I am not making in any sense a ridiculous point that there should be no fossil fuels in the mix. My point is that if we establish a mix we should then try and deliver it coherently. If we are going to say, as the NPS does, that it is for the private sector to determine the mix, that is what the overarching Energy NPS says, and then we say to the IPC that means you do not need to think about need because there is need for all energy projects, need is just established—

  Q30  Mr Anderson: Would not the planning process guarantee what your graphs are showing that that would have been committed and successfully achieved under the present planning processes?

  Mr Ellis: Not necessarily because the current planning process needed reform. I am not trying to suggest that there is not a need for a new framework. What I am suggesting is very simple: once we have established what the mix should be—and that is not for TCPA to determine—then the NPS in policy and the IPC in its decisions should deliver that mix. That is essentially what the ambition for private sector-led energy development inside a strategic policy framework amounts to. That is not what the overarching Energy NPS delivers for the nation. The overarching Energy NPS delivers a market-led view with an organisation making a decision unable to think about need, and that is not sensible.

  Paddy Tipping: That is a powerful point. Des, you want to pursue this?

  Q31  Dr Turner: Of course it is a sad reflection of life that most of this gas capacity that you are worried about has already been consented by the existing process and is likely to be consented by the existing process even to come. Would your fears—and there is a certain legitimacy to your fears, I agree—be addressed if the overarching NPS were slightly modified to indicate a hierarchy of preferred mixes, so starting with renewables, nuclear, down to fossil fuel as needed for security of supply? Would some sort of change of wording—it only needs a paragraph or two—satisfy your concerns?

  Mr Ellis: They would go some way to addressing it if we could see that there was this framework which exists in almost every other aspect of planning policy, particularly the waste hierarchy, which provides proper guidance for planners on the ground, yes. Whether it goes all the way to meeting the ambition of a National Policy Statement that could provide very clear guidance about an energy mix, I am not sure. However, if I we move to that system—and I agree there is merit in it—it requires the IPC to be able to employ judgment and to think about the relative issues of need. For example, when an application came in for gas which was perhaps at the bottom of the hierarchy, how would it make a judgment because it would have to consider all the other applications presumably? NPS would need to provide, as it really should, more guidance around that issue. I would just make this comment about planning policy. There is a strong feeling—and it will no doubt be said that planning policy always needs to be streamlined; it is one of the great myths that exists—that planning policy needs to be effective. Effective planning policy is rarely short precisely because the issues are so complex, so moving to a hierarchy would be very powerful but it would need to contain sufficient guidance to the IPC for them to be able to apply it effectively.

  Q32  Dr Turner: That guidance would presumably be received through its statutory consultee, the Committee on Climate Change?

  Mr Ellis: All I can say is I look forward to the Committee on Climate Change's submission on the NPS series.

  Q33  Dr Turner: That is the purpose of having such an arrangement, I would have thought.

  Mr Ellis: It is, but can I make one very important point which personally worries me from a planning perspective. Spatial planning is an important and separate and distinct discipline. The statutory consultees and the Climate Change Committee have expertise in carbon accounting and many other aspects of climate change, but not necessarily any expertise in spatial planning. The IPC and this forum has to judge very carefully whether the advice coming from statutory consultees is the right advice. It cannot always be taken as read.

  Q34  Dr Turner: But the particular case of a gas-fired power station application is not really a fundamental spatial planning issue surely because it does not really matter to the system, within limits, where it is put; the question is whether it is put anywhere.

  Mr Ellis: I think it is crucial because the devil is always in the detail spatially. We can make a judgment that we need X amount of new capacity in energy, but the really tough part is where it goes, whether that is the best place, how many local communities are affected, how many biodiversity interests are affected, and whether it actually works on the ground. That discipline is a hard discipline. We may want to have a go at planning, but it is a hard discipline. Unless you crack that at strategic level by providing sufficient detail, investigation and proper assessment, or unless you allow the decision-maker to be able to fully consider it at the local level then you have a problem. My fear is that you have neither of those two things in the current NPS framework.

  Paddy Tipping: We are running towards the end of our time, you will be pleased to know. You have worked hard for us. One of the things that is interesting and has not had a lot of discussion and deserves more is the relationship between the NPS, the IPC and, let me put it like this, the remainder of the planning system. Again, you have had interesting things to say about that.

  Q35  Charles Hendry: I have just an observation first. I wonder whether you are expecting too much of the planning system. That is clearly one element in the fight against climate change but there are other elements as well. The businesses which are looking to invest in new gas plant will be aware that there is talk about an emissions performance standard, expectations that they would need to be retrofitted and they would have to take that into account with CCS technology in their planning decisions and applications. It is not just the planning system but a whole range of other policies which would be involved in that. Particularly on the point that Paddy raised, how do you see the threshold of the 50 MW? Do you think that the NPSs should be looking more generally at the whole range of areas? You have talked about some of the microgeneration issues and the local generation capacity opportunities. Do you think there should be a more cohesive approach towards all aspects of energy generation and supply rather than having it fragmented in the way that it is?

  Mr Ellis: There are certainly two concerns. Dealing quickly with the first one, if the RTPI were here they would certainly be saying there is a need for greater integration, as would we, in terms of a national strategic framework. The idea of a plan for England, like there is a plan for Wales and Scotland, that integrates infrastructure is absolutely vital and the idea of separate NPSs does not quite fulfil that ambition. That is certainly one point. The other issue is the 2008 Act is not well related to the rest of the town and country planning regime and that is going to be a significant issue. While it is absolutely right in law that local and regional planning should take account of what is written in any government policy statement, including National Policy Statements, the problem is that NPSs have a very tightly legally defined role in giving advice to the IPC. To be frank, what worries me is that the development of NPSs by different government departments outside CLG is not providing the opportunity necessarily for proper integration for the contents of that policy and the regional local planning framework. At the same time there is discussion, although it may not have progressed, that some critical policy on renewables, for example, will be contained in NPSs but not repeated in the Planning Policy Statement framework. Why is that important? It is important for a detailed legal reason, and that is that the status of PPSs has been established through High Court challenge in case law over a long period and they have a relevance to town and country planning. National Policy Statements have no clearly defined status in the rest of the town and country planning regime and if I were wanting to object to renewables, which I profoundly do not, then I would simply make a smart move that whenever the content of impacts, which I understand is to be contained in National Policy Statements for the whole of renewables, 50 MW below and above, is contained in a statement that is intended for a different legislative framework it will be tested at law and will result in significant delay. It is crucial for onshore renewables that the framework is made clear in Planning Policy Statements and in National Policy Statements and not one or the other if we want to have delivery. There is inevitable and quite understandable bedding down when new legislation arrives at the national level, I completely understand that, but there is certainly an urgent need to make sure there is coherence between the two regimes. That relates to one other very final, quick point and that is the status and importance of local government in the consultation process on NPSs. After all, local and regional bodies have to take onboard the impacts, which are significant, in National Policy Statements for their planning process. At the moment we are not necessarily getting great feedback that that process is going on and it is critical they are involved in NPS development so that the plans dovetail together. This should be ideally one narrative from national to regional to local and at the moment it is not.

  Q36  Charles Hendry: Do you think we are doing enough to get popular buy-in to support local developments of energy infrastructure? Very often local communities feel they are being imposed upon them and they do not see they are getting a benefit from them. Could more be done which would create greater acceptance through financial arrangements, reducing the electricity prices, community ownership of wind turbines, aspects like that which you think would start to change the debate about this and where the community would start to see they get a real benefit out of this rather than simply hosting something which is of a wider national benefit?

  Mr Ellis: Absolutely. We need an absolute cultural transformation about the way the debate on climate and energy takes place including, as you rightly say, the kinds of benefits that accrue to local communities from energy projects. There is absolute determined resistance to onshore wind and it is getting worse. Why? Because the argument about climate is not presented with the argument on energy in a mechanism which is effective. It is crucial that all of us in the professions get out there and talk to communities about the benefits. It is also crucial to have one more critical issue identified. People are not a problem but sometimes the system solely regards communities as a problem to get round, to persuade, not to include in the process of planning. Planning will only work if people are at the heart of it because you cannot build without consent. What terrifies me is if we engineer conflict into the national planning framework by not consulting then our ability to deliver major onshore wind proposals, which we desperately need, is going to be ten times, 100 times more difficult.

  Paddy Tipping: That is a very good point to finish on. Thank you for coming and spending so much time with us. I am sorry you have been by yourself, I know it feels a bit lonely out there. If, as you are going back, there are one or two things where you think, "I should have told them that", do not hesitate to drop us a note. Thank you very much indeed.





 
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