Turks and Caicos Islands - Foreign Affairs Committee Contents


Letter to the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs from Sir Robin Auld

  I write to you having regard to your ultimate ministerial responsibility on behalf of the Queen for the governance of the Turks and Caicos Islands and because of my concern for the well-being of its people.

  As you know, in 2008-09 I conducted an Inquiry into possible corruption of its Ministers and other Members of its House of Assembly.

  By February 2009 my inquiry had shown that the Territory was without an effective government or legislature, and was near financial collapse. I, therefore, submitted an Interim Report to the Governor recommending:

    (i) temporary suspension of its Constitution and return of executive and legislative control to Westminster, acting through the Territory's Governor;

    (ii) urgent appointment and funding of Special Prosecution and Civil Recovery Units to investigate and, if appropriate, institute criminal and civil proceedings to bring to justice Ministers and others for corruption, and to retrieve Crown Land and other assets alienated as a result of any such corruption; and

    (iii) strengthening of the Attorney General's Chambers to support the considerable forensic processes necessary to give effect to the work of both Units.

  My recommendation, confirmed in my Final Report submitted on 31 May 2009, was adopted by an Amending Order in Council of 18 March 2009. Following litigation, this was put into force in about August 2009.

  Over a year has passed since I first reported on the parlous financial state of the Territory and the fragility of its sinews of governance and of its finances. During that time, for want of sufficient income of its own and of adequate financial support from Westminster, that fragility has increased—despite stout efforts of its Governor, Gordon Wetherell, to overcome the dire shortage of resources. All or most of the troubles he faces in trying to restore the Territory to good order, efficient governance and financial health—and the increasing chorus of challenge to his conduct of the Territory's affairs—flow from the British Government's failure to provide urgently needed financial support.

  This state of affairs follows decades of the FCO's stewardship, or lack of it, in the exercise of its ultimate constitutional responsibility for the probity and efficiency of the Territory's governance. The FCO now has direct control, yet seemingly considers that that does not carry with it financial responsibility to lift its charge out of the administrative and financial mire into which it has allowed it to fall.

  The Special Prosecutor was not appointed until August 2009. On her appointment your Department informed her that HMG would not fund or provide any financial support for her investigation, and that it expected the Governor to do so by negotiating a commercial loan to cover the investigation and, indeed, all the Territory's needs. I understand that the Special Prosecutor objected to that stance, indicating that she was unable to recruit staff until funding was in place.

  Only in December 2009 did the Special Prosecutor learn that the Governor was on the verge of concluding negotiations for a loan facility, and she thereupon began to recruit a team of lawyers and investigators, whilst continuing to object to the principle of the costs of the investigation being a charge on the Governor's budget. She also rightly expressed concern about the vulnerability of the whole exercise if, as your Department indicated, restoration of the Territory's Constitution with full ministerial and parliamentary government, is to take place in 2011.

  In the course of recent representations by the Special Prosecutor to your Minister of State, Christopher Bryant, he firmly refused on behalf of the FCO to provide or guarantee any further funds to enable the Units to complete their work, notwithstanding the extreme difficulties that the Governor continues to face in finding money to run the Territory's affairs on a day to day basis. As far as I know, the same applies to the recently appointed firm of London lawyers charged with the responsibility of advising the Governor on civil law remedies, including recovery of Crown assets.

  Contrary to recommendations in my Interim and Final Reports, the Attorney General's Chambers have not been materially strengthened to deal with the considerable forensic criminal and civil processes required to bring those guilty of corruption to justice and to retrieve their likely considerable ill-gotten gains. As far as I know, no arrangements have been made for the appointment and pay of additional judiciary, court and enforcement staffs, or to provide additional court and supporting office accommodation, necessary to enable speedy and otherwise efficient proceedings engendered by the work of the two Units. Even if most of the criminal proceedings can be tried without jury, the period from start to finish of preparation and conduct of the main trials is likely to be measured in years rather than months.

  Despite this failure of the British Government to fulfil its constitutional responsibility for the good governance of the Territory, I understand that it now proposes to introduce a new constitution for the Territory next year and to return the Territory to ministerial and parliamentary government. Even if funding could be guaranteed and the Territory's finances restored to a manageable state by then, it could not be "cleansed" and governmentally and administratively reconstructed so as to meet that timetable.

  I have never before considered it my role, after completion of an inquiry, to involve myself in the outcome of my recommendations. But the continued deterioration of affairs in the TCI drives me to do so here. I urge you, as a matter of urgency, to intervene to secure the discharge by the FCO of its moral responsibility and to secure its international respectability by making proper provision for the constitutional good governance and welfare of the Turks and Caicos Islands before ending interim direct rule.

  Because of its similar concerns, I copy this letter to the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, which, I believe, is shortly to report.

23 March 2010





 
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