The Home Office's Response to Terrorist Attacks - Home Affairs Committee Contents


Examination of Witness (Question Numbers 160-164)

SIR KEN MACDONALD QC

10 NOVEMBER 2009

  Q160  Ms Buck: Your sense is that this is an inability so far to extricate themselves from the dilemma they are in, not, in a sense, a weighing up of the pros and cons of various alternatives and seeing practical measures to introduce in each of them so great that we are not yet in a position to be able to offer an alternative.

  Sir Ken Macdonald: I am sure that is a part of it. I do not mean the Government is sitting there staring into the headlights like rabbits. They obviously are thinking about how they can get out of this and what alternatives might be. The trouble is they have to come up with an alternative that is going to be acceptable to the courts. If anything which represents a serious interference with liberty is not acceptable to the courts, it is rather difficult to see what else they can go for, other than doing everything that can possibly be done to mount prosecutable cases against individuals who represent a serious risk.

  Q161  Mr Clappison: You are very fair in the difficulties which you ascribe to the Government in the very understandable dilemmas that they faced and the reaction which you had yourself. Going back to the question about deportation, you obviously have a strong view about that. Nobody wants to see people exposed to torture and treatment. Do you think there is anything worthwhile in exploring guarantees, given for people who can be deported back to another country to ensure that their treatment in another country does not contravene human rights?

  Sir Ken Macdonald: Yes, I do. That is part of the Government's duty. The Government has a Foreign Office and it has intelligence services and it has ambassadors abroad, and it is clearly in a position to negotiate with foreign countries and ought to be in a good position to determine whether treaties which it enters into are likely to be adhered to by other countries. I should have thought that if the Government enters into a treaty with another country guaranteeing the safe treatment of individuals who are going to be deported, the Government should be given a high degree of respect for its view as to whether that treaty is likely to be upheld or not. The Government should be in the best position to make that determination—I should have thought, in many circumstances, in a better position than the courts. As I say, the Government has a diplomatic service and intelligence agencies and all the rest of it. Assuming the Government enters into those negotiations with good faith—and I am sure that it does—if it concludes a treaty with a foreign jurisdiction, it seems to me that that treaty should be accorded a high degree of respect in this country and indeed by the courts in this country.

  Q162  Mr Winnick: Sir Ken, now that you can speak more freely, having given up carrying out your duties, if I may say so, in such a distinguished way for those five years you were the Director, bearing in mind the acute danger that Britain has faced from the latest terrorist threats over the last nine or ten years, how far do you feel there has been, if there has been, a serious erosion of civil liberties in our country? I assume that you recognise the necessity of those measures which have been brought in. How far has there been any serious erosion of civil liberties?

  Sir Ken Macdonald: I think we avoided the most serious erosions that we might have suffered. My experience was that the Government was not composed of conspiratorial figures who wanted to destroy liberty; it was composed of people who were genuinely wishing to respond to serious security threats and making very difficult and fine judgments in some areas—42 days would be one, and some of the terrorism legislation on the fringes, encouraging terrorism and so on, are others. But we have managed to avoid any diminution of our due process principles. We maintained open trials. We avoided vetted judges, we avoided vetted lawyers, we avoided special courts and we avoided changing the rules of evidence, for example, on the burden of proof. We managed to protect the integrity of our trial system in the face of quite a lot of pressure at one time. In 2004 it should be remembered the Prime Minister floated the idea of reducing the standard of proof in criminal cases. We said publicly that we cannot be sending people to prison in the face of reasonable doubts about their guilt. There was a genuine conversation between the Government and others, and in the end—and this is my personal view, obviously—the Government did a pretty good job, but it did it within the context of parliamentary democracy and all of the pressures that came to bear upon it in this Place and outside. I think we broadly came out of it with a sense that our system was working.

  Q163  Mr Winnick: Partly due to you, Sir Ken.

  Sir Ken Macdonald: No, I do not think so.

  Q164  Chairman: Earlier in evidence, I put to Assistant Commissioner Yates that the Home Secretary had said last week we had perhaps been "too draconian" with some of the measures that were adopted following the London bombings. Assistant Commissioner Yates said he disagreed with the Home Secretary. Do you think the Home Secretary was right? Were we too draconian?

  Sir Ken Macdonald: Yes. I think he was absolutely right. Looking back in years to come, I think people will say that, whilst we protected the fundamentals, at the edges the Government at times wanted to go too far. I repeat what I have just said, that it was because of the parliamentary context and the public context that the Government was dissuaded from doing so and the Government was sensible enough to be dissuaded. That is a good thing.

  Chairman: Sir Ken, thank you very much for coming today.


 
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