The Home Office's Reponse to Terrorist Attacks - Home Affairs Committee Contents


Examination of Witness (Question Numbers 200-219)

MR ANDY HAYMAN

8 DECEMBER 2009

  Q200  Chairman: You went further in your article in The Times on 27 June, going by the headline in The Times, you said "COBR: the UK emergency committee that makes chaos out of a crisis" and you suggested another approach which is a two-tier system.

  Mr Hayman: Yes.

  Q201  Chairman: Where the operational people get together and decide on the way forward and then options are presented to politicians.

  Mr Hayman: That is exactly what happens; it is a default position when you are in live action. You have a forum where the operational colleagues sit together and thrash out what, from their professional experience, they believe to be the options, and then they come into the main COBR and present that to ministers. I think that is a really good way of working because ministers then have got all the information at their fingertips, they are well informed and they can make a decision on the basis of that, an absolutely clear demarcation. What I thought was strange was that that was going on underneath everyone's noses but it was as if it was the unspoken word, no one talked about it, and I felt that was a bit disingenuous because how do you feel if you were not part of that group that met before? What was discussed there? All I am trying to do here is not to in any way be difficult, I am just trying to get out into the open what people find difficult to discuss.

  Q202  Chairman: That is an absolute given but of course the Committee is keen to look at the current system and see how it can be improved. It is not any criticism of the overall strategy, your concern is to make it a streamlined process which would enable decisions to be made quickly and you actually talk about pulling people away from an event into a situation where they are basically sitting—Members of this Committee actually visited COBR last week and we looked at the structure that had been set up. Your concern is about delayed decision-making, is it?

  Mr Hayman: Yes, the structure is fine. You have got the back room team who are doing the research for you while you are sitting around the table, I just would not want people to get confused as to why they are there. When everyone really wants to be positive and constructive and get things on an even keel, people chip in from all angles—I put my hand up, I probably overstepped my mark and started getting involved in things that I should not get involved in. What would be helpful is if there was a two-tier system where ministers, who have got a very clear mandate, are allowed to be away from that. They have no fingerprints on the formation of the options and then when it comes into the main forum which is clearly their role they have all the information and there is better, informed decision-making.

  Q203  Chairman: Is there another model somewhere else in the world that you think we should look at? For example, the United States and the National Security Council?

  Mr Hayman: I am not briefed on that, Chairman. The one fear I have got—and this is the difficulty, this is the real frailty—is that people would argue there are minutes taken, but actually I have never seen them and I attended most meetings. There might be notes or bullet points which is fine, but let us just say something goes badly wrong and we crawl over the decision-making process. If we have not got records of meetings and we have a forum where people cannot remember what they said they were going to do, and indeed they overstep the mark inadvertently into a role and function that they are not either trained or experienced to do, or is not their remit, that is difficult territory.

  Q204  Chairman: Is there not an action list that is written out as and when people say they are going to implement?

  Mr Hayman: Yes, there is a bullet point action list but minutes need to be sensitively compiled. Is it not the case when we go back over on public inquiries that we look at not just the action list, we look at the decision-making process and the considerations that led to the action. What if that process and discussion is flawed? For others it needs to be objectively looked at in the cold light of day, who were not actually in the hot seat.

  Chairman: Yes. Martin Salter.

  Q205  Martin Salter: Mr Hayman, I along with other colleagues visited COBR last week and I have to say your criticisms and your published criticisms came up. We were not talking to politicians, we were talking to senior operational personnel—the police and security services—and they absolutely rejected your criticisms, did not recognise your descriptions—we realise you have got a book to sell—and they did say—

  Mr Hayman: That is a little bit harsh, a bit harsh.

  Q206  Martin Salter: I am sure you are not giving it away. They did say that COBR is being used as a model for other jurisdictions facing terrorist threats to follow. If it is so dysfunctional, as you have described, why are the Australians, the Jordanians and others, people facing similar threats to ourselves, actually using our model in their jurisdictions?

  Mr Hayman: I cannot comment for others that do not recognise what I am saying but what I do know is that that is my experience. Yes, I did choose to share that; indeed, I am aware having talking to former colleagues of a recent exercise where some of those things I described were played out again. If people choose not to want to talk about it that is fine; all I am saying is it was not to sell a book. This was an informed decision on my part to say other things in that book where I think if things are going really well we should comment on that, but if I felt from my perspective constructive observations would help the process then I have done that. If that gets ignored that is other people's decision; I just thought I wanted to do that.

  Q207  Martin Salter: Do you think the Australians are wrong to follow?

  Mr Hayman: No, no, I did not say that; I said look at the success we have had, it cannot be that bad. What I am saying is that if I lay out the fact that I was there, I experienced it, side meetings—would you be comfortable if you were part of a main group and you were aware that there were side meetings going on but you had no vision on that whatsoever?

  Martin Salter: It happens all the time in the real world.

  Chairman: That is very helpful. Bob Russell.

  Q208  Bob Russell: Mr Hayman, in your detailed responses to the Chairman and then to Mr Salter and your book are there any other aspects of how you would improve on the system that you have not mentioned, either today or in the book?

  Mr Hayman: No, I have covered most of it.

  Q209  Bob Russell: When you served on the COBR committee surely it must have proved useful as a forum—notwithstanding your criticism—to co-ordinate the governmental response and share information between separate bodies.

  Mr Hayman: Absolutely, and that is a function it performs as well as it can do. What I am saying is that there are improvements. People might see those improvements as being marginal and probably insignificant, but I did not, that was not my experience. I felt that those improvements would be helpful.

  Q210  Bob Russell: When you have your reunions with chums who were there with you, who may still be there, have they all indicated 100% support for the view you have taken?

  Mr Hayman: It is for others to express that but I have not seen many dissenters privately. It is always difficult for people to speak publicly, is it not?

  Chairman: It is; that is why we are very grateful to you for coming here. David Davies.

  Q211  David Davies: Thank you, Mr Hayman; I thought it was a very good book actually. One of the other concerns that you had was over the impact of devolved parliaments on policing and on the ability of anti-terrorism police if you like to deal with Scotland and Wales. Would you have concerns, bearing in mind what you said about the Scottish Parliament, if the Welsh Assembly also got powers over policing?

  Mr Hayman: The toing and froing that you are referring to there was over one particular operation and, as it turned out, some of those wrinkles were ironed out a bit.

  Q212  David Davies: I felt they were ironed out mainly because of personal relationships; that seemed to be the case you were putting.

  Mr Hayman: Absolutely. One of the reasons why up to now it has been difficult for me to come here is that the view that I was expressing was not necessarily totally shared by colleagues over the border. It is for others to decide whether or not they would be comfortable with devolved parliaments but I think there is a real comparison here to be held with police services. I have also made observations, and it may be something you want to hear about later, but when you look at the way we deal with serious crime on SOCA or the Border Agency with immigration, it seems to me it flies completely in the face that those two agencies have a national remit where they can travel across the country and not worry about force boundaries and not have this ridiculous situation where, on one operation we had, which was an armed operation, before we could go across each force boundary we had to get authority from the Chief Constable of that force to allow that to happen. That cannot be right and with terrorism being of international flavour and with a national or international footprint we should be breaking those barriers down. The reason I rehearsed that argument is that the same could be said for the political and parliamentary argument because, provided you have got good will and the personalities are right, it will work, but you cannot have a structure on that, can you?

  Q213  David Davies: If, for example, you had a government of one political party in one place and of another in the Welsh Assembly or Scottish Parliament then that could cause problems for policing.

  Mr Hayman: Yes, absolutely.

  Q214  Ms Buck: Going back to your criticisms of COBR, I am finding it a little bit hard to follow to what extent you are recommending that there should be structural change and to what extent it is to do with processes, clarity of information and clarification of roles because they are two quite fundamentally different approaches to the issue.

  Mr Hayman: I am not going to come here and trash something; I do not think I trashed it in the book.

  Q215  Ms Buck: It came over as trashed.

  Mr Hayman: I wrote it as it is; sometimes that sticks in people's throats but that is the way it is. What I am saying is that what is going on informally should be formalised because why people might not recognise it is because actually they are making it work. I accept the point that in the real world, Mr Salter, there will be other meetings going on but this is not something that you can just put to one side as policy development; this is the real world where actually they will probably be making life and death decisions and it is absolutely right as a minister that you would want to know what the decision-making and discussion was that was going on in a meeting over there, that could lead to an operational deployment that actually you had not had full vision of and sight of. What I am saying is some of the things that are going on informally to make it work by the practitioners should just come out from underneath the carpet, let us just put it on the table and formalise it.

  Q216  Ms Buck: It is not the structure that you are objecting to, you do not find that structure in which different meetings feed into the decision-making process is the problem, it is the fact that those processes are not properly minuted and the advice that they are giving is not laid out in such a way as to clarify decision-making.

  Mr Hayman: I am accused of being two-faced over this but what I was writing in my account here was that we have got all these people in the same room, all vying for position, trying to do the best thing they possibly can which blurs things, so what happens is informally we have a structured forum and I think a really good model was when Dr John Reid was the Home Secretary and there was an operation involving Litvinenko. What he insisted on doing there was that he did not want to be involved in the development of operational options, he left that to MI5 and me to do, we came to him with those options and he made a ministerial decision. That is what goes on in part informally in COBR and I think that is great. All I am simply saying is rather than play games about this why do we not do it, why do we not formalise that so that people know what is going on.

  Q217  Ms Buck: Is it possible to carry that example forward into emergency planning in the same way that you might do when you are preparing an operation for which you have lead-in time?

  Mr Hayman: I reckon if you sat in the room at the time of the recent dreadful floods up North, I bet you at a similar but much lower level the Chief Constable would have said what the aim is, which is let us get things back to normality and save and preserve life. Then he would deploy other people to develop the operational decisions and take options as a result of it. That is no different to what I think we are saying here and we could say in any other emergency.

  Q218  Patrick Mercer: Mr Hayman, you have called for the creation of a national terrorism agency or something of that ilk; what would that give us that the relatively new Counter-Terrorism Units (CTUs and CTIUs) do not?

  Mr Hayman: Just so colleagues are aware of my stake in this, I was at the helm when we introduced those, so for me it was a middle ground between carrying on with 43 forces, some of which are not viable in this territory of operations, and going into something that was national. Going back to the point that Mr Davies was making earlier, even with that structure the Chief Constable has the ace card in his or her pack so if my successor, if it was reliant on personalities—and it is reliant on personalities—came across an obstructive, difficult, Chief Constable colleague who could actually play the ace card, there is not an awful lot left that that person can do. The Met constitutionally has got the lead on investigating terrorism and I just think that constitutionally that is difficult, if you are relying on something that is just reliant potentially on relationships. Also, whilst those resources located around the country can be marshalled anywhere within the country, you are actually operating a pseudo-national outfit anyway. It goes back to my earlier point, what we are doing in practice is we seem to be skirting around the uncomfortable constitutional discussion which puts people's hairs on their neck up because they can see, maybe, fiefdoms being threatened. It is actually an informal working practice that I am arguing should be more formal.

  Q219  Patrick Mercer: If you equate, rightly or wrongly, the three regions in Northern Ireland with small to medium sized constabularies, with one guiding organisation above them and in the regions what used to be called TCGs, task and control groups, which roughly equate to the regional counter-terrorism units, is that not the model we should be looking at?

  Mr Hayman: Yes.



 
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