8 Licensing, binge-drinking, crime
and disorder
208. The last 50 years have seen several important
changes in the sale of alcohol which have led to a great increase
in binge drinking with all its harmful consequences. 27% of young
male and 15% of young female deaths were caused by alcohol. This
is clearly a serious problem.
209. The most notable of the changes have been that:
- An increasing proportion of
alcohol has been purchased off-licence rather than from pubs.
As a proportion of total expenditure on alcohol, purchases from
pubs fell 12% between 1998 and 2007, while supermarket purchases
rose 18%.[237] As a
result:
- More people have drunk at home
- Under-age teenagers have been able to obtain
cheap alcohol and drink it outdoors
- Young adults have begun the practice of 'pre-loading';
ie they get drunk at home before they go out to the pub or other
venue
- There has been a major reduction
in the number of traditional pubs, although the number of licensed
premises, including restaurants, has continued to increase
- From the 1990s the night-time economy was promoted
by local authorities and Government; magistrates found it increasingly
difficult to block licence applications even where they considered
them undesirable; they were no longer able to take any account
of the 'need' for a new licence
- As part of the night-time economy there has been
a growth in the number of vertical drinking pubs; people standing
up drink more quickly.
210. The Alcohol Strategy in 2004 sought to address
the problems related to binge-drinking, crime and disorder by
a series of measures. It claimed that the main vehicle for improvement
was the Licensing Act 2003. This was supported by a set of voluntary
Social Responsibility Standards introduced by the alcohol industry
in 2005.
211. Three Departments were involved: DCMS which
was responsible for licensing, the Department of Health and the
Home Office.
The Alcohol Strategy's measures
to address alcohol-related crime and disorder and the Licensing
Act 2003
THE LICENSING ACT 2003
212. As well as transferring responsibility for licensing
to local authorities, the 2003 Act introduced four statutory licensing
objectives:
- preventing crime and disorder;
- securing public safety;
- preventing public nuisance; and
- protecting children from harm.
The Act contained "a number of provisions which
seek to protect the public and prevent disorder; for example it
is an offence to sell alcohol to a drunk or to a child."
However, the legislation also promoted liberalisation, supporting
'proportionate regulation to give business freedom to meet customers'
expectations'.
213. At the time the Bill was introduced, the Culture
Secretary, Tessa Jowell, was quoted as saying that people would
become more sensible drinkers, so the prevalence of illness would
decline.[238] The DCMS
Departmental Report 2004 claimed that the
Act reforms archaic licensing laws, strengthens competition
and increases choice and flexibility for consumers. It introduces
tough new measures to tackle alcohol-related crime and disorder
and encourage a more civilised café-style culture in pubs
and bars.
214. The operation of the 2003 Act was reviewed by
the Government. According to the DH, the review, which was published
in March 2008, revealed that the overall volume of crime and disorder
had with local variations remained stable. Licensing authorities
and enforcement bodies were using the new freedoms conferred by
the Act, but had not sufficiently used 'the considerable powers
granted by the Act to tackle problems...there was a need to rebalance
action towards enforcement'.[239]
215. Other witnesses were more critical, arguing
that the Licensing Act had little to do with reducing alcohol-related
problems and had failed to adopt a public health approach.[240]
Some have claimed that the DCMS's main aim in introducing the
Licensing Act was not to reduce alcohol-related crime and disorder
but to liberalise the licensing regime. It was pointed out that
we had not achieved the civilised cafe-style culture the DCMS
had dreamt of in 2004.[241]
Crime and disorder might be stable but were spread over a longer
period and later into the night which was a dubious advantage.
Dr Anderson told us:
pubs stayed open on average only an extra 27 minutes.
No real change in alcohol-related crimes was found up until 3am,
but a 22% increase in crimes occurred between 3am and 6am. In
other words, alcohol-related crimes were shifted until later in
the night. In some studies, changes in the Licensing Act appeared
to have little impact on the numbers of people treated for injuries
sustained through assault, although in other studies, there were
large increases in the number of night time alcohol-related attendances
in accident and emergency departments.[242]
216. While the principle of giving local authorities
the power to control licensing was widely applauded, the Government
regulations which governed how they could exercise these powers
were criticised for being far too favourable to the large pub
chains. Criticism related to the restrictions the Government had
placed on licensing authorities, which severely constrained their
ability to operate an effective licensing regime; it was too difficult
to prevent new licensed premises from opening almost regardless
of their effects on existing traditional pubs and the local population.
Dr Nicholls informed us:
Arguably, the more historically significant element
of the 2003 Act was the decision to move licensing from magistrateswhere
it had sat since 1552to local authorities. In principle,
this represented a democratisation of decision-making; in practice,
the national guidelines issued to local authorities meant that
their discretionary power to reject licence applications was severely
curtailed.[243]
Similarly, it was too difficult to remove licences
from premises associated with rowdiness and drunkenness. Where
local authorities wished to promote the 'night time economy',
there were inadequate powers for local people to object despite
the consequences in terms of anti-social behaviour and disturbance.
217. We considered a number of other aspects of the
Act. Part 7 of the 2003 Act lists various offences relating to
drunkenness and disorderly conduct. Under section 141 it is an
offence to sell alcohol to a person who is drunk. Unfortunately,
this provision has not been effective. We consider why below.
218. Some witnesses argued that too much emphasis
had been placed on the effect of the Act on the on-licence trade,
too little on off-licence sales.[244]
The Act not only failed to tackle the main problem, the increasing
volume of off-licence sales, but also exacerbated the situation
by permitting shops and supermarkets to sell alcohol at extended
opening times. We discuss the off-licence trade in the next chapter.
THE VOLUNTARY SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
STANDARDS 2005
219. In 2005 voluntary Social Responsibility Standards
were introduced by 16 trade associations and organisations in
the alcohol industry. According to the Department these voluntary
standards were intended to provide a comprehensive statement
of the rules, regulations and additional commitments which the
various parts of the alcohol industry had agreed to adhere to.
The standards were based on a set of social responsibility principles
that should apply to all activities relating to the production,
distribution, marketing and retailing of alcoholic drinks, including
the promotion of responsible drinking and 'the avoidance of any
actions that encourage or condone illegal, irresponsible or immoderate
drinking, such as drunkenness, drink driving or drinking in inappropriate
circumstances'.[245]
220. In January 2008, the Home Office commissioned
KPMG to undertake a review of the alcohol industry's voluntary
standards. KPMG was asked to consider:
- the extent to which on- and
off-trade vendors adhered to the standards; and
- whether the standards contributed to a reduction
in alcohol-related harm.
221. The KPMG review indicated that the standards
were not operating as the Government originally hoped. KPMG recognised
that
Many firms invest relatively large sums in sponsoring
programmes and projects that promote responsible drinking, willingly
take part in exercises to monitor their performance and are very
explicit on their websites about the effects of consuming alcohol.
They can point to many initiatives they have taken through their
Corporate Social Responsibility work.
Jeremy Beadles of the WSTA claimed that the study
had showed that there was a lot of good practice and that breaches
of Social Responsibility Standards by the off-licence trade had
been few and when they had occurred they had been the fault of
usually small organisations which had not signed up to the code.[246]
222. Nevertheless, in many respects the study is
damning. Practices which KPMG observed frequently included:
- People who appear to be under-18
frequently being admitted to age restricted venues in which they
cannot purchase alcohol legally;
- the promotion of alcohol through low price offers,
inducements by DJs to consume greater quantities, and glamorisation
through links with sexual imagery;
- encouragement to drink more and faster through
shots and shooters being "downed in one";
- sales to blatantly intoxicated people;
- several health and safety issues inside bars
and clubs e.g. overcrowding, broken glass and spilled alcohol;
- poor dispersal practices (although there is some
very good practice);
- several instances of anti-social behaviour and
low level crime (fights and assaults, urinating and vomiting in
public places, criminal damage).
223. In conclusion KPMG argued that
Whilst this review has noted the excellent work done
by many organisations, especially producers and their representatives,
to demonstrate the principles of self-regulation, it has also
noted the many poor practices, particularly in the on-trade, going
unchecked.
We have not assembled any evidence which suggests
there is any direct causal link between the impact of the standards
and a reduction in alcohol-related harm. In the current trading
climate the commercial imperative generally overrides adherence.
Inducements to people to drink more and faster, to allow under-age
people entry to restricted premises, and blatantly serving intoxicated
people are evidence of this conclusion.
In driving responsible practice they (the standards)
are ineffective because of a lack of consistent monitoring and
enforcement. We have not assembled any evidence which suggests
there is any direct causal link between the impact of the standards
and a reduction in alcohol-related harm.
Changes following the 2007 Alcohol
Strategy
224. Thus, by the time of the revised Alcohol Strategy
in 2007, it was clear that improvements needed to be made. A new
plan for dealing with underage drinking was proposed and partnerships
and innovative schemes were encouraged. Most importantly, major
legislative changes were made through the Policing and Crime Bill
2008 which was enacted in 2009.
SCHEMES TO REDUCE ALCOHOL HARMS
EXPERIENCED BY UNDER 18S
225. In June 2008, the Department for Children, Schools
and Families, the Home Office and the Department of Health published
the Youth Alcohol Action Plan (YAAP), which set out measures to
address drinking by young people, including working with the police
and courts to tackle drinking in public, providing clear information
for parents and young people, and working with the industry to
tackle underage sales and to promote the responsible sale of alcohol.
226. We took evidence about a number of initiatives
to reduce the harm to young people from the industry and the police.
The Wine and Spirits Trade Association is part of schemes in St
Neots and Canterbury involving the Retail of Alcohol Standards
Group (RASG) and Cambridgeshire and Kent Trading Standards. The
projects combine "enforcement, education and community involvement
to tackle under-age drinking in a holistic way". A key part
of the scheme has been stopping and searching young people and
confiscating any alcohol they have in their possession. The WSTA
was enthusiastic about the significant benefits which the schemes
had brought about.[247]
The actions taken as part of the St Neots Community Alcohol Partnership,
the outcomes and an assessment of the benefits are shown in the
table below, which contains an extract of the official WSTA report.
The benefits of the scheme are still being seen.
Since its inception the scheme has delivered the following:
42% decrease in anti-social behaviour incidents in
the St Neots area from August 2007 (pre-project) to February 2008
(post-project)
94% decrease in under-age people found in possession
of alcohol
92% decrease in alcohol-related litter at key hot
spot area.
Joint working between police, Trading Standards and
retailers
Actions
| Stakeholders
| Outcomes
|
Trading Standards worked with store managers (visiting them during the day) and positioned themselves in retail outlets to advice any alleged offenders (young people or proxy purchasers) of the reason their purchase was refused. 129 young people were stopped and searched by the police
| Police, Trading Standards and retailers
| First nine joint enforcement operations: 32 young people found to be in possession of alcohol.
Tenth enforcement operation: 1 person in possession.
Eleventh enforcement operation: 2 in possession.
Overall decrease of 94%
|
POLICING AND CRIME ACT 2009
227. The main new means of addressing concerns about failings
in the licensing regime and in the consumption of alcohol by underage
drinkers, are the measures in the Policing and Crime Act 2009.
Aspects of the Bill had been subject to consultation in the summer
of 2008 and again in 2009. The Bill was given Royal Assent in
November 2009. The regulations to give effect to many of the improvements
have not yet been made.
228. According to the Government the legislation:
- Includes measures to prevent
the sale of alcohol to young people under 18 and to prevent them
from drinking in public places; this filled a gap in the 2004
Strategy which recognised the problem of underage drinking in
the street or at home.
- Introduces a mandatory code "to get rid
of some of the worst promotions"; this was introduced in
response to the failings uncovered in the KPMG study.
- Revises the Licensing Act 2003, to give licensing
authorities the powers to allow them to take action pro-actively
against irresponsible premises without having to wait for the
police or others to complain.
Below we look at the mandatory code and the new power
to take action against irresponsible premises.
A mandatory code
229. Following the KPMG Report, in July 2008 the
Department of Health's report, Safe, Sensible, Social - Consultation
on further action, sought views:
on whether existing voluntary codes should be made
mandatory. We intend to discuss what a code might contain with
interested stakeholders over the coming months.
Alan Campbell the Home Office Minister, told us that
following the consultation in 2008 the Government had decided
to introduce a mandatory code:
What we are doing, of course, is moving beyond a
voluntary code because sections of the industry will not face
up to their responsibilities as the code has suggested that they
should. That is why we are moving to a mandatory code under the
Police and Crime Bill to get rid of some of the worst promotions,
but also to introduce some local licensing arrangements that can
be applied to groups of premises in an area where there is still
a persistent problem.[248]
230. The following five mandatory licensing conditions
were put out to consultation in the summer of 2009:
- A ban on the most irresponsible
promotions, such as "all you can drink" offers
- A ban on alcohol being dispensed directly into
customers mouthsso-called "dentists chairs"
- Requiring on-trade premises to make smaller measures
available, such as 125ml wine
- Requiring on-trade premises to make free tap
water available
- Requiring online and mail order retailers to
have robust age verification schemes in place.[249]
231. These proposals received much support. The increasing
use of larger glasses has meant that customers have been drinking
several units in one glass, often without realising it.
232. The Government is still deciding which conditions
to implement. The specialist press has reported that the mandatory
code is among a raft of regulations affecting business that Lord
Mandelson has "ordered" to be delayed due to the recession.
However, according to the same reports, the Home Office remains
confident that the policy will be implemented.[250]
Local conditions
233. The consultation in the summer of 2009 had also
considered making provision for 'locally applied discretionary
conditions' on licensees in the Policing and Crime Bill. These
were conditions' which licensing authorities would be able to
pick and choose to impose on two or more premises in their area
if they felt the premises were a) causing a nuisance b) that nuisance
was alcohol related c) that nuisance was likely to be repeated
and d) it was appropriate to apply conditions to mitigate the
nuisance. These were measures like banning happy hours, banning
glass containers at certain times and prohibiting discounts over
a certain volume.
234. The Government removed the provisions for these
conditions from the Bill in light of the feedback received at
the regional stakeholder consultation workshops held over the
summer where both licensing authorities and the licensed trade
expressed concerns about the locally applied conditions. Licensing
authorities were concerned about the practicalities of imposing
conditions on multiple premises and were worried that any attempt
to do so would be automatically appealed by the trade, and the
trade were concerned that having conditions imposed on groups
of premises meant that responsible premises could be inadvertently
caught up and have the conditions imposed.
235. However, the Government claimed to have replaced
these conditions with tougher powers for licensing authorities.
At Report stage in the House of Lords the Bill was amended to
allow members of the licensing authority (i.e. local councillors)
to act as 'interested parties' under the Licensing Act 2003. This
allowed them to make representations to instigate a licensing
review whereas, at present, licensing authorities can only hold
a licensing review if the police, trading standards, local residents
or other authorities request one. Following a licensing review,
the licensing authority can take a range of actions, including
adding new conditions to the licence, modifying the hours or suspending
or revoking the licence. So, it is claimed, the change will give
local authorities much more flexibility in the type of action
they can take as well as still allowing them to take action pro-actively
without having to wait for the police or others to complain.
Continued weaknesses in the licensing
regime
236. While the Policing and Crime Act 2009 has improved
the situation, there remain a number of weaknesses in the licensing
regime. Two were of particular concern to us:
SELLING ALCOHOL TO A PERSON WHO
IS DRUNK
237. The effectiveness of legislation relies on enforcement.
We were therefore surprised to discover that s.141 of the 2003
Act is scarcely enforced.
238. ACPO informed the Committee that the Police
did not need new powers because they relied on softer measures,
seeking to develop partnerships:
Q450
(Stepehen Hesford) So there is nothing that comes to mind in terms
of additional powers?
Mr Craik: No. In fact ACPO's position at the moment
is two-strand. We want to get into this and start to develop partnerships,
and this end-to-end management of drinking in public places is
something we should share together with our partners, and we think
that is absolutely right. It should not just be an enforcement
thing. The other thing we want to move to is away from all this
doom, gloom and disorder.
Chief Constable Craik's submission went further in
explaining how the Police could do this:
Generally the police work in partnership with licensees
and the Security Industry Authority to effectively manage people
becoming so drunk on licensed premises that they require eviction.
If there is a requirement to evict drunken individuals from licensed
premises then the police will then use their enforcement powers
in relation to any offences pertinent to the individuals concerned.
There are effective Pubwatch schemes running nationally
which allow for exclusions to be placed on individuals from entering
specific licensed premises due to previous behaviour. Since 1st
January 2009 in Northumbria Police alone 144 Pubwatch exclusions
have been served. This in itself is a deterrent to the public,
and a punishment to those who do offend whilst in licensed premises.
The Best Bar None nationally accredited scheme provides an incentive
to licensed premises to ensure they act responsibly in relation
to the management of their licensed premises.[251]
239. The Home Office submission argues that it has
a programme of work in place to address weaknesses in the enforcement
of current legislation:
Last year we trained over 1,300 front-line practitioners
in the full range of alcohol related tools and powers available
to them and we have recently begun a series of 40 workshops to
train a further 2,000 to 2,500 practitioners in our priority areas.
Earlier this year we spent £1.5m on targeted enforcement
campaigns in the 40 to 50 areas of most concern to us, that is
those areas with high levels of alcohol related crime and high
public perceptions of drunk or rowdy behaviour, and we have also
spent a further £3m supporting local alcohol related partnership
activity.[252]
240. The Home Office also argues that there are practical
difficulties in enforcing the law regarding the offence of selling
alcohol to someone who is intoxicated since it requires the police
to be present when the sale is made:
Large-scale enforcement would therefore be extremely
expensive and is impractical. Instead, we believe that it is more
effective to focus on training those serving alcohol to spot and
deal with those who are intoxicated and we are working closely
with the industry through schemes such as Pubwatch and Best Bar
None to achieve this. We are also considering the issue of training
in our public consultation on the new code of practice for alcohol
retailers.
241. The Committee questioned Ministers about why
the Act was not enforced:
Q903 Dr Naysmith:
Following up on what has just been said, given that it is illegal
to serve a drunk person in a pub, why is it that the number of
prosecutions is so pitifully low?
Mr Campbell: There
are some prosecutions.
Dr Naysmith: It is a tiny
number.
Mr Campbell: It
is a small number. The simple answer to your question is that
it is quite a difficult offence to enforce because the offence
is about knowingly selling to someone who is intoxicated. Unless
there is a police officer and a huge commitment by the police
in an area to see this happen, it is quite difficult to enforce
that. There are two other aspects to it which I think would take
us further. One is about better training for bar staff to know
when to stop serving someone, the signs to see and also the way
in which they might go about that. The second point of course
is to work with licensees in a particular area, often through
something like Pub Watch, where there are some very good schemes
of pub watching practice where licensees actually agree to enforce
standards.
242. Few people have been prosecuted for transgressions
to the Licensing Act 2003. In 2006 only six people were found
guilty of supplying alcohol to under 18s.[253]
Few people have been prosecuted for, and even fewer found guilty
of, selling alcohol to a drunken person.[254]
LICENSING AND PUBLIC HEALTH
243. Since the Police and the Home Office are unwilling
or unable to enforce section 141 of the 2003 Act, we considered
other ways of achieving the same result. One contributor to a
RAND study on licensing laws stated, with reference to licensing
requirements: "[i]f the system has effective power to suspend
or revoke a license in the case of selling infractions, it can
be an effective and flexible instrument for holding down rates
of alcohol-related problems."
244. This should be possible because under the 2003
Act the police or the fire authority, or an "interested party",
such as a resident living in the vicinity of the premises, may
ask the licensing authority to review the licence because of a
matter arising at the premises in connection with any of the four
"licensing objectives". Presumably, if the police had
evidence of persistent unlawful sales, one would expect them to
press for a review, making reference to the crime prevention objective,
but it is unclear whether they have done this.
245. The licensing system is not working well. Chief
Constable Craik of ACPO told us:
I think there is an anxiety, that they feel
constrained by the legal power of the big organisations. In industry
they can turn up with lots of very expensive barristers and challenge
decisions,
My view is I would like to see, certainly some
of my colleagues would like to see, more licensing authorities
at least trying to be more in tune to what local people say.[255]
I would be supportive of that. I would like to see
the local community having a more powerful voice in how licences
were granted.[256]
the rejections, refusals and revocations are very,
very robustly legally challenged, and that puts them in a very
difficult position. As much as local councillors may want to provide
what local opinion suggests is appropriate for them, they have
to get everything right, and that is quite a tough challenge.[257]
246. During our visit to Scotland we discussed the
different approach taken there to licensing. The Licensing (Scotland)
Act 2005 which comes into force in September 2009, and is in part
based on the recommendations of the Nicholson Committee which
was charged with reviewing all aspects of liquor licensing law
and practice in Scotland. The Nicholson Committee was asked to
give particular reference to the implications for health and public
disorder and to recommend changes in the public interest. The
Act sets out five licensing objectives that Licensing Boards must
seek to promote and take into consideration when granting or renewing
licences. Four of the five objectives are similar to the objectives
in England, but there is an additional fifth objective, namely
'protecting and improving public health'.
247. In practical terms, as we discovered in Scotland,
this puts public health at the forefront of policy makers minds
in Scotland, and means that the purpose of licensing extends beyond
those aspects of alcohol use which are illegal, such as purchase
by those under age, or lead to illegal behaviour, like public
disorder, and includes actions which actively promote public health,
such as tackling low cost alcohol and other marketing practices
which lead to increased health harm. It could also enable licensing
authorities to once again consider whether there is a need for
more licensed premises in an area.
Conclusions and recommendations
248. Alcohol-related
crime and anti-social behaviour have increased over the last 20
years as a result of the development of the night time economy
with large concentrations of vertical drinking pubs in town centres;
under-age drinkers in the streets have also caused problems. The
Alcohol Strategy 2004 recognised these problems and claimed that
they were being addressed by a number of measures including the
Licensing Act 2003. In addition, the alcohol industry established
voluntary standards to govern the promotion and sale of alcohol.
249. The worst
fears of the Act's critics were not realised, but neither was
the DCMS's naive aspiration of establishing cafe society: violence
and disorder have remained at similar levels, although they have
tended to take place later at night. The principle of establishing
democratic control of licensing was not realised: the regulations
governing licensing gave the licensing authorities and local communities
too little control over either issuing or revoking licences, as
ACPO indicated. KPMG examined the alcohol industry's voluntary
code and found it had failed.
250. Problems
remained and the 2007 Strategy introduced new measures. Partnership
schemes such as the St Neots Community Alcohol Partnership were
established. The main changes are being introduced by the Policing
and Crime Act 2009 which gives the police greater powers to confiscate
alcohol from under 18s, introduces a mandatory code in place of
the industry's voluntary code and has made it easier to review
licences, giving local authorities the right to instigate a review.
We support the introduction of mandatory conditions and urge the
Government to implement them as a matter of urgency.
251. Despite
the recent improvements, much needs to be done given the scale
of alcohol-related disorder. It is of concern that section 141
of the Licensing Act 2003, which creates the offence of selling
alcohol to a person who is drunk, is effectively not enforced
despite KPMG's finding that this behaviour is frequently observed.
We note the police and Home Office's preference for partnerships
and training, but do not consider these actions should be an excuse
for not enforcing a law which could make a significant difference
to alcohol-related crime and disorder. We call on the police enforce
s.141 of the Licensing Act 2003 more effectively.
252. We note
the concerns of ACPO and other witnesses about the difficulties
local authorities have in restricting and revoking licences. The
Government has made some improvements in the Policing and Crime
Act 2009, but must take additional measures.
253. In Scotland
legislation gives licensing authorities the objective of promoting
public health. Unfortunately, public health has not been a priority
for DCMS. We recommend that the Government closely monitor the
operation of the Scottish licensing act with a view to amending
the Licensing Act 2003 to include a public health objective.
237 AL 59 Back
238
Independent 23.11.05 Back
239
Ev 04 Back
240
Ev 177 Back
241
Q 433 Back
242
AL 58; the DCMS review is published as, Evaluation of the impact
of the Licensing Act 2003, March 2008, summary of findings,
pp7-8, http://www.culture.gov.uk/images/publications/Licensingevaluation.pdf Back
243
AL 59 Back
244
Ibid. Back
245
The Code was
To promote responsible drinking and
the 'sensible drinking message'.
To avoid any actions that encourage
or condone illegal, irresponsible or immoderate drinking, such
as drunkenness, drink driving or drinking in inappropriate circumstances.
To take all reasonable precautions
to ensure people under the legal purchase age cannot buy or obtain
alcoholic drinks.
To avoid any forms of marketing or
promotion that have particular appeal to young people under the
age of 18 in both content and context.
To avoid any association with violent,
aggressive, dangerous, illegal or anti-social behaviour.
To make the alcoholic nature of their
products clear and avoid confusion with non alcoholic drinks.
To avoid any suggestion that drinking
alcohol can enhance social, sexual, physical, mental, financial
or sporting performance, or conversely that a decision not to
drink may have the reverse effect.
To ensure their staff and those of
companies acting on their behalf are fully aware of these standards
and are trained in their application in their own areas of responsibility.
To ensure that all company policies
work to support these standards.
Source: KPMG report on the Social Responsibility
Code Back
246
Q 257 Back
247
Q365 Back
248
Q 921 Back
249
Home Office, Consultation on how alcohol is sold and supplied,
2009 Back
250
"Code may proceed despite Mandelson", Morning Advertiser,
24 September 2009, p6 Back
251
Q 450 Back
252
Ev AL 47 Back
253
Ev 162 Back
254
HC Deb, 9 June 2009, col 809W Back
255
Q 434 Back
256
Q 435 Back
257
Q 441 Back
|