1 The Inquiry
1. Zimbabwe is in a period of fragile transition,
following a decline caused by years of "neglect, repression
and economic mismanagement."[1]
The economy has shrunk by over 80% since 1999.[2]
The last decade saw consistent negative growth, with levels of
poverty worsening steadily, in the face of hyper-inflation, high
unemployment, collapse of the agricultural sector and the devastating
impact of HIV/AIDS.[3]
2. Bad government and political instability led to
economic and social decline. Political turmoil increased further
after the 2008 elections, leading to greater instability and even
more desperate living conditions for ordinary Zimbabweans. The
disputed outcome of the 2008 presidential elections was accompanied
by the ruling ZANU-PF party subjecting the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) to violence and intimidation. Mediation
by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and South
Africa eventually resulted in a Global Political Agreement (GPA)
being signed between the parties.
3. The GPA provided for the establishment of the
Government of National Unity (GNU) in February 2009 (also known
as the "Inclusive Government"), which included representatives
of both main parties and the MDC-M.[4]
Given that the MDC won the parliamentary elections and the first
round of the presidential elections, the Inclusive Government
is anything but satisfactory as it ensures that all the main levers
of power remain with Mr Mugabe and ZANU-PF who have not fulfilled
their undertakings and have sought to undermine the MDC's ability
to deliver their limited areas of government. The GNU's first
year in office has therefore been far from smooth, but some progress
has been made in governance reforms and in addressing the significant
humanitarian and development challenges.
4. Support from the international community continues
to be essential in Zimbabwe. There are, however, many challenges
to delivering it effectively. DFID says that "the transition
from crisis to full recovery is promising to be messy, protracted
and complex".[5] Its
assistance has evolved to reflect the changed conditions under
the GNU but it is not yet possible for DFID to "sustain a
full development relationship" with the Government of Zimbabwe.[6]
The future scale and nature of DFID's assistance to Zimbabwe therefore
remain uncertain.
5. Our concern about the situation in Zimbabwe and
the uncertainty over the future of DFID's work there led to our
decision in December 2009 to launch this inquiry. Given the imminence
of a UK General Election, our inquiry has had to be very brief.
In Chapter 2, we include some examination of the political context
in which donor support is provided. However, we have not attempted
to conduct an in-depth analysis of the past and present political
situation. Instead we have focused on the aspects of the situation
in Zimbabwe which fall within our remit: the humanitarian situation
and DFID's programme of assistance. Nevertheless, the current
need for aid in Zimbabwe is a direct result of poor Government
and the UK's relationship with the Government affects its ability
to deliver aid effectively.
6. We received 13 submissions of written evidence,
including from the UK Government, academics and non-governmental
organisations (NGOs). We held two evidence sessions in January
and February 2010. We also met informally with NGOs working in
Zimbabwe to discuss the current situation and their work in the
country. We are grateful to all those who took the time to engage
with the inquiry.
7. We visited Zimbabwe in February 2010. We travelled
first to Harare, the national capital, and then to Bulawayo, capital
of Matabeleland. We saw a variety of projects which DFID is supporting,
and held discussions with a broad range of people including: the
Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, and other government ministers;
the Speaker of the House of Assembly, Lovemore Moyo; the Governor
of Bulawayo; the Mayor of Bulawayo; NGOs and delivery partners;
a wide range of civil society representatives; and other donors.
We visited hospitals, HIV clinics, schools and livelihoods projects.
Our full visit programme is set out in the Annex to this Report.
We were greatly impressed with the DFID staff and programme in
Zimbabwe and would like to thank everyone who made the visit so
worthwhile and interesting.
Report structure
8. The next chapter assesses the development context
for DFID's work in Zimbabwe, including the implications of the
recent changes in the political and economic situation. Chapter
3 examines Zimbabwe's regional relations and the role of neighbouring
countries in supporting its recovery. We then look at the ways
DFID has adapted its activities in Zimbabwe to reflect the particular
circumstances there, including working through NGOs and multilateral
bodies, and providing both humanitarian aid and wider development
assistance (Chapter 4). Chapter 5 assesses DFID's support for
health services and Chapter 6 focuses on its work with children,
particularly those made vulnerable by HIV/AIDS. In the concluding
chapter we discuss DFID's future engagement with Zimbabwe.
1 Ev 48 Back
2
Ev 69 Back
3
World Health Organisation, WHO Country Cooperation Strategy
2008-2013, 2009, p 2 Back
4
The MDC split into two factions following the 2005 Senate elections;
MDC-T, under the leadership of Morgan Tsvangirai, and MDC-M, under
the leadership of Arthur Mutambara Back
5
Ev 48 Back
6
Ev 52 Back
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