Justice issues in Europe - Justice Committee Contents


Examination of Witnesses (Question Numbers 51-59)

PROFESSOR STEVE PEERS

10 NOVEMBER 2009

  Q51  Chairman: Professor Peers, you are very welcome. Although we are treating this technically as a formal session of the Committee, that is only so that we get the useful things you tell us down on paper by having a formal record, but we actually want to have a fairly informal question and answer and discussion so that you can improve our knowledge of these matters on which you have written at least one substantial paper and no doubt others. I do not know if there is anything you would like to say by way of opening or whether you would prefer to proceed to have some questions thrown at you. Is there anything you would like to say initially?

Professor Peers: Nothing in particular, Sir. I am happy to take questions.

  Q52  Chairman: Fine. In that case, it might be very helpful for all of us to start with what to laymen are always the mysteries of the pillars. If I were to tell my constituents, "The third pillar and the first pillar are being merged," they would look at me in complete astonishment. Could you put into words which my constituents might more readily make sense of what this really means and whether we as a country will be affected in any particularly dramatic way by that process.

  Professor Peers: It means, in a narrow sense, first of all that the decision-making rules change and that the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice changes in relation to adopting policing and criminal law measures within the framework of the European Union. The decision making changes because mostly you will have qualified majority voting in the future instead of unanimous voting, mostly you will have a bigger role for the European Parliament in terms of co-decision rather than just being consulted, and the Commission has a somewhat stronger role—not quite, though, its normal monopoly. The jurisdiction of the Court of Justice's normal rules extend to the whole of this area, meaning that any national court in this country or elsewhere can send questions on EU laws adopted in this area after the Treaty of Lisbon, whereas at the moment there is an opt-in process to the court's jurisdiction. Seventeen countries have opted in, and we are one of the ten which has opted out in relation to policing and criminal law. That is a significant change for us. Those measures will take a different form. They will be not so much intergovernmental measures, public international law measures, but what we now call community law measures which have direct effect and supremacy. That is the narrow answer. The broader answer is also that the competence in this area changes, so that things will be described more precisely in terms of what the EU can do in relation to policing and criminal law, but, also, the UK now gets an opt-out from policing and criminal law which we do not have at the moment. That obviously cannot be overlooked when describing the other changes. They might seem rather threatening from the point of view of national sovereignty if you overlook the fact that we also have an opt-out, and if you overlook some of the limitations of the competence of the European Union that will apply.

  Q53  Chairman: What does that change? Given that previously these were matters entirely dependent on unanimity, moving to a situation in which we are part of the process but we have an opt-out, where does that leave the United Kingdom in these matters?

  Professor Peers: It would depend on whether the government of the day is inclined to opt in or not. If we opt in, then obviously we have whatever influence we would otherwise have as a participant in the discussions. If we opt out, we cannot expect to have very much influence. Although there is a `third way' if I may use that phrase—which the Government has tried a few times already in relation to civil law and asylum—which is opting out, hovering on the sidelines, making suggestions as to what changes might be made so that we could then opt in. That has worked on two occasions and so they are trying it a third time on an asylum proposal. I do not know how often it might get tried.

  Q54  Chairman: Can you say what those two occasions were.

  Professor Peers: One was in relation to the Rome regulation on conflict of laws on contract and the other was in relation to maintenance proceedings in relation to family maintenance orders—across borders in both cases. The third occasion pending is on reception conditions for asylum seekers, where the UK has said we will opt in if the rules on detention and access to employment and so on got changed.

  Q55  Chairman: These are all occasions when the British Government felt that it was in Britain's interests to participate.

  Professor Peers: They wanted to participate in principle because they could see that maybe there were not huge changes they wanted to make but the changes were big enough that the Government did not want to opt in without making sure that those offending provisions were removed. It sort of stayed on the sidelines and tried to influence the negotiations in a sort of pro-British direction, as the Government defined it, and on the first two occasions it was successful. That is another option which could be tried in future, although it is a little bit risky. I do not think it would always be successful. It relies on a certain amount of goodwill from other Member States which would have to be continually earned, but it is a possibility obviously in the future in the area of policing in criminal law just as it has been applied in civil justice successfully so far.

  Q56  Chairman: In what ways does the European Court of Justice's jurisdiction get extended as a result of this process?

  Professor Peers: The two main ways are that, first of all, it would have jurisdiction, as I mentioned already, over all Member States' national courts and tribunals. Any magistrate in the UK and anyone who has a sufficiently judicial power who is hearing a first instance criminal proceeding or an action against the police or something like that could send a question to the Court of Justice. Obviously so could the appeal courts, the Supreme Court and so on.

  Q57  Chairman: In what sort of circumstance does that arise? That is a court in this country addressing a question to the court in Brussels.

  Professor Peers: In Luxembourg. The sort of examples where it has arisen already—and there have been about 20 references from other Member States which have opted in already to this first type of jurisdiction—would be, for instance, if somebody was trying to resist the execution of a European arrest warrant but there had been a series of cases already and they argued that the national implementation of the Framework Decision on the European arrest warrant is somehow defective so that therefore the arrest warrant cannot be executed.

  Q58  Chairman: This might be somebody whose defence counsel was arguing that the arrest warrant should not be executed.

  Professor Peers: That is right. It would be the defence in that particular example. There have been some cases where the prosecution has sought to use it. With the arrest warrant, it is a possibility that the prosecutors could seek to use it to strike down some national restriction on the arrest warrant under the national law which is not compatible with the Framework Decision. A prosecutor might decide, "Let's try to get rid of that restriction. Let's try to get it struck down."

  Q59  Chairman: Are we talking there about somebody situated in another Member country whom you want to have arrested?

  Professor Peers: The European arrest warrant only operates when another Member State sends an arrest warrant here or we have sent an arrest warrant somewhere else. It might be a British national of course who is sought by another Member State.


 
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