Cutting crime: the case for justice reinvestment - Justice Committee Contents


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 425 - 439)

TUESDAY 18 NOVEMBER 2008

DAVID SCOTT AND PAUL TIDBALL

  Chairman: We welcome David Scott of the Probation Chiefs' Association and welcome back Paul Tidball of the Prison Governors' Association. We have some time pressure so we will move very quickly to questions. I ask Dr Palmer to start.

  Q425  Dr Palmer: Welcome to the session. I assume you are aware that what we are attempting to do is look at the whole concept of justice reinvestment which we define as reducing the number of prison places and using the savings from that to take measures which we hope will reduce the demand for prison places. First, as a general question do you think that is something that the Government ought to be doing?

  Paul Tidball: I was delighted that this Committee was to consider this subject because it was something that had attracted us. Of all the evidence submitted to the Titan prison consultation—people will groan when I mention that in the first five seconds of speaking—the piece that struck me most was that of Professor Andrew Coyle. I do not know whether he appears as a witness. In that he differentiates between demand and need. There are a number of drivers of demand which include the popular press, political rhetoric and to some extent the business lobby as private prisons now exist and there is a difference between the demand created in that way and what communities, victims and offenders themselves need if I dare say it, though that appears very recently to have become a bit unfashionable. I believe that to put into the hands of communities and their representatives decisions about justice and sentencing, or to take those decisions nearer to communities, stands a chance of bringing some downward pressure on the imprisonment epidemic that we have experienced in recent years.

  David Scott: Perhaps I may take a very brief time to explain who I am and why I am here. I chair the Probation Chiefs' Association and represent the leadership voice of 42 probation chief officers in England and Wales. We have been incorporated as a company limited by guarantee and are independent for less than two months. We are not a trade union or a political voice. I say that by way of introduction. Our concern is very much with the promotion of probation and securing public consensus and confidence. Quite frankly, we believe that probation is at a critical crossroads. We very much welcome the inquiry and the opportunity to give evidence. There is a critical issue as to what the balance is and should be between the prison population and offenders being sentenced in the community. There is a real risk that probation is drawn into the crossfire of that and is seen as an alternative or otherwise to prison. We believe that a really important starting point should be the merits of what can be delivered effectively in the community and probation has a very strong role to play in that. There is a critical issue about the short-term prison population and we very much welcome the investment of £40 million to try to provide services which short-circuit the revolving door of people going in and out of prison. I would certainly be pleased to say more about that in a moment.

  Q426  Dr Palmer: To clarify your last point, do you believe that some body, whether it is the Government or local decision-making bodies, as Mr Tidball suggested, ought to take the plunge and say that they will have fewer prison places because they hope to use the money to reduce the need?

  David Scott: I simply make the point that that takes probation into a crossfire so it is seen to be arguing who should and should not be going into prison. I believe that the prison population is a matter for political decision—of course it is—and that individual sentencing decisions belong to sentencers.

  Q427  Dr Palmer: You are neutral on that?

  David Scott: What we would want to do is raise confidence in the services we provide and have the debate focus much more on the merits of community penalties rather than discussion about the size of the prison population, but instinctively I am with you. I would like to see a cap or even reduction in the prison population.

  Q428  Dr Palmer: To return to Paul Tidball, do you think that at present we are sending too many people to prison and the resources would be better used elsewhere or are you agnostic on that and it is a matter that each local community should decide?

  Paul Tidball: It is a matter for sentencers but, having been at the frontline over years and witnessed people coming into prison, my opinion is that, whereas there are serious or prolific offenders—which is an interesting debate—and certainly serious offenders themselves agree that prison is where they should be, there is a lot of disagreement about short sentence people. If we were in the business of filling cells because we could make money out of doing that we might take a different view, but it is a fact that 70% of those who move in and out of a typical local prison in any period of time—a month, year or whatever—are sentenced to less than 12 months. That consumes a tremendous amount of resources that could be better used to follow the risk which I think is a good way to express it. Criminal justice resources generally should follow the risk, so the greater the risk to the community the more resources that follow it. Therefore, we are wasting a lot of money on people who serve less than 12 months. The statistics, which I do not have in front of me, demonstrate that short-term prison sentences are the least effective, which is no surprise given that they are very much in the revolving door. We would prefer to spend our shrinking resources or static resources on which there are increasing demands on prisoners who will be the greatest risk to the community. Scotland proposes to make it virtually impossible to pass a sentence of six months or less. I recall that even the great liberal Lord Woolf who gave evidence to this Committee, or a forerunner of it, said that if someone was a huge nuisance to the community day after day he or she—usually he—should be restrained in some way. I think it is impossible to generalise and say there should not be such a thing as a three-month prison sentence. Occasionally, the control of a custodial sentence is necessary even if it is only for a short time for a certain category of people.

  Q429  Dr Palmer: Do you see any drawbacks or things about which we should be careful if we adopt this approach? For instance, do you feel it would be necessary to build up resources to reduce offending first and then reduce prison places afterwards, or do you believe it is justified to take the plunge and reduce short-stay prison places first?

  Paul Tidball: This is probably a question more for David Scott, but I shall be very glad to give my view on it. My understanding of the concept of justice reinvestment is not just that we shift the balance from spending on prison places to alternative sentences but we put the money into things that stop people offending in the first place, like jacking up the amount spent on youth schemes, local community leadership schemes and those measures that stop people getting on the slippery slope in the first place. It makes sense to me to shift, however gradually, to invest in preventative and alternative sentences rather than spend a lot of money on six-month prison sentences.

  David Scott: I have already indicated that there is a lot of focus on capacity in the prison system. People understand when the prisons are full. There is not such a sophisticated understanding of the capacity to deliver community penalties which is the key role of the Probation Service. But we are clear that involvement at local level with criminal justice boards and crime and disorder partnerships is absolutely critical in terms of working with the local authority and particularly the police on prolific offenders and higher levels of risk but also increasingly with voluntary and other sectors. The two have to go hand in hand. I do not believe that one must wait for the other, but I have very real concerns at the moment. I have talked about probation being at a crossroads. I think that probation is being pulled in a number of different directions and it is vitally important that its strength as a local delivery arm is built on and secured.

  Q430  Dr Palmer: Paul Tidball is on record as being a strong critic of the Titan prison concept. The defence of it we have heard is that effectively by sharing security measures through a number of different sub-prisons it would be possible to provide the same number of places at lower cost. To put it the other way round, if we did not have Titan prisons we would end up having to reduce the number of places purely because of lower efficiency. Is the Prison Governors' Association comfortable with that? Do you say it is so important to have more localised prisons that you are willing to accept lower efficiency or do you not accept that and believe they would be more efficient?

  Paul Tidball: We certainly would advocate those small prisons that are in reasonable physical shape and on which it is not necessary to spend huge amounts of money. There may be one or two London prisons that do not fall into that category, but in the part of the world where I have spent most of my service, South Wales—the Cardiffs and Swanseas—the prisons have been fully refurbished. Both find themselves at the top nationally in terms of performance and both fulfil a community prison role, that is, they cover a catchment area which is specific to the population of the prison. Therefore, although it does contain some strangers or an overflow from other parts of the country a significant majority of the prisoners are from the locality. There are huge benefits to be achieved by having that community prison concept in place. One thing that is a challenge certainly in terms of justice reinvestment is that not every part of the country is blessed by prisons bang in the middle of communities. If you tried to extend it to all areas of the country having prisons right at the hub of communities it would mean a huge reconfiguration of the estate at great cost because many of the existing prisons are not located by design; it is more a matter of a redundant wartime airfield becoming available. That is a typical criterion for locating them where they are. In terms of Titans the consultation—I am sure Lord Ramsbotham will have something to say about it—was not about whether or not they should go ahead but people were very firmly marshalled and told, "They are going ahead and we are going to take your view on what they should look like." The PGA is now on record as saying that if they do go ahead it will be so rigorous about ensuring they are as least damaging as they can be that it shall require that not many resources are pooled within the perimeter. For instance, in the case of young offenders, minor and serious offenders—we are still not absolutely certain whether women will be tucked into the perimeter of these places—perhaps all being in different five residential units within the walls, the notion of their sharing a visiting facility is not acceptable to us because we know it will not work; people will find it alien and terrifying to be in huge shared visiting facilities. You then look at all the other supporting regime facilities. Perhaps healthcare is the only one we can identify where there might be benefits from economies of scale and having a shared facility.

  Q431  Chairman: Is the objection that there will not be many economies of scale?

  Paul Tidball: I think it could come down to saving a bit of fencing if we distance ourselves in the way the Justice Secretary wishes from the notion that otherwise it will be a penal warehouse.

  Q432  Chairman: Both of you have made reference to local decision-making and running programmes locally. If you look at the whole question of dealing with actual and potential crime there is a myriad of bodies and partnerships with all sorts of names. I cannot even keep pace with the range of partnerships in my own area, let alone the pattern across the country. Is there a coherent structure which can relate the various kinds of spending we now undertake as a result of people's tendency to commit crimes? Is there a coherent system which can enable rational decisions to be made, or would you have to reconfigure the system to do justice reinvestment?

  David Scott: I do not believe you would have to reconfigure the system. One would be wise to appreciate some of the progress that has been made. I particularly cite the development of local criminal justice boards in recent years which for the first time bring together decision-makers in all the criminal justice agencies. For example, in London we have a very clear reform plan around criminal justice and recognise that we must take ownership of that ourselves. What then becomes crucial is the interface with the myriad of other groups you have described, but I believe that the local criminal justice board offers an important environment for doing that and forges links with all of the local authority crime reduction development partnerships and so on. My point is that a lot of investment must be made to make those networks operate and much more attention should be paid to the enablers centrally so they deliver effectively. I do not think there is a need completely to recast it to seek new solutions. One of the remarkable developments in criminal justice in recent years has been the move to see criminal justice much more as a service than a system. There is a long way to go but I believe that steps have been taken in the right direction. The other crucial area is to ensure that the criminal justice service is well connected and linked with local communities. At the moment part of the difficulty is that there is such a gulf between the language and whole paraphernalia of criminal justice and local experience. One of the things my association is determined to do is forge much better links with local and national media. Last weekend I attended the conference of the Society of Editors which dealt with exactly this point, that is, to find ways in which to reach out and engage much more with local people, communities and journalists. I certainly do not want to blame the media, but in this country there is a culture of too easily criticising what is not working instead of looking at some of the successes and patient work being done at local level. There are good examples of that practice up and down the country and certainly in London.

  Q433  Chairman: Do you get a feeling in the Prison Service that you are part of this or does the distribution of prisons and the very centralised organisation of the service make you feel that you are apart from this structure?

  Paul Tidball: In all honesty, the Prison Service is able to say that it is a player and has been for some years. David has mentioned the local criminal justice boards. We have been involved in them ever since they were set up. Although in the past we have had criticisms of the National Offender Management Service, of which both of our services are part, for being over-bureaucratic and overstaffed at the top it has certainly demonstrated some success in bringing together not only the services but also the voluntary organisations to which you have referred. I do not think the fact that the Prison Service remains a national one is overall a bad thing; overall it is probably a good thing because Her Majesty's Prison Service has become an incredibly successful outfit in recent years. The number of escapes is almost nil and the reconviction rates following prison custody, though not much was made of them in the media recently—it is an example of what David Scott said—are at an all-time low and have gone down by several percentage points. I understand why any inquiry into justice reinvestment will consider whether prisons should or could be managed in a different way, but there are dangers of babies going out with bath water if we return to some romantic notion of local prisons locally administered being best because I am not aware of any track record of that in any country.

  David Scott: Perhaps I may return to the point about the important relationship between "local" and "national". Across England and Wales we have very diverse communities. It seems to me self-evident that the solutions to unlocking and tackling crime will often be located at very local level in those communities. In terms of its engagement with sentencers probation is very well placed to understand the concerns of local courts. At the moment the struggle is with what the fit should be between the national direction and framework and enabling local agencies, local authorities and the voluntary sector to develop solutions that are seen to be effective and are owned at local level.

  Q434  Mr Heath: I understood what you said about the efficiency of the Prison Service as a whole. I also understood what you said earlier when you talked of your own experience with the Welsh prisons. You said that predominantly they catered for a local clientele which many of us believe is a good idea. I am not quite sure how you marry up those two. You do not necessarily need to disintegrate the Prison Service to have prisons that cater for criminals in their areas, or at least their regions, and have much better linkages therefore with the Probation Service and perhaps also provide better information to sentencers on the outcomes of the sentences they hand down. That is really a statement rather than a question.

  Paul Tidball: I absolutely agree with that. I know that some people ask whether prisons should be locally administered and so local authority-run. Although there may be a case for that in the case of the small women's units of which we have yet to see a single drawing, never mind a brick, for them to be run by people other than the Prison Service may be an appropriate way forward particularly if they are low security units that are less about secure imprisonment than rehabilitation. I think that prisons, whether or not run by the Prison Service, should be as responsive as possible to local community needs as should sentencing itself.

  Q435  Alun Michael: I ask a question supplemental to something David Scott said. He said he did not want to criticise the press and media for their almost universally cynical and negative attitude. Who does he want to blame?

  David Scott: I do not want to blame anything or anybody, but my learning as a probation officer and chief probation officer is that blame is usually a diversion and avoids taking responsibility.

  Q436  Alun Michael: Can you take responsibility for telling us who we ought to tackle to change that environment, to use your professional skills?

  David Scott: I do not want to rest our new association on the basis of a knee-jerk criticism of the media. I believe we have a responsibility to communicate much more effectively what we do. We have to persuade sentencers. I believe that you cannot get to the public without first getting sentencers on your side, if I may put it that way. We are pretty clear what sentencers want. They need to know whether probation will deliver something and they want consistency, certainty and an outcome. They want to see probation as a visible and credible presence. I am confident that we can rise to that challenge.

  Q437  Alun Michael: You are looking for the persuasion of sentencers through an evidence-based approach?

  David Scott: I think that is well put and absolutely right. We will tackle some of the lazy stereotypes in the media. It is too easy to write about people walking free from court and denigrate my officers for being a soft option. My staff and probation officers up and down the country work day by day with the challenges of crime. I am simply saying that we want to get a much more informed and balanced media coverage if we possibly can.

  Q438  Alun Michael: It is nice to know that we have an optimist in your role. I turn to the question of local authorities and local partners investing in initiatives that can prevent people entering custody in the first instance. This is not a new concept but one that continues to be as challenging. Do you have any suggestions about how the disincentives can be overcome, not least the fact that very often we are asking, let us say, a local authority or another local organisation to invest something where the benefit will be for somebody else?

  David Scott: I think there are some real difficulties in terms of the movement of budgets and the benefits. The reason I chose the example of the criminal justice board is that we are beginning to see an environment in which if we work collectively to find solutions we can reinvest that money at the front line. One of the examples I give in the context of London is our interest in developing what we call virtual court technology to increase the potential for swifter justice. There are other examples one can choose in terms of working with the local authority. The projects in which we are engaged at the moment with the short-term prison population are a good example. If we invest in meeting people at the prison gate and ensuring that we see them quickly and back their compliance with orders we can save further downstream in court appearances, all the expense of recall and so on.

  Q439  Alun Michael: Are they benefits that you are able to quantify and for which you are able to provide evidence?

  David Scott: Increasingly, we are able to do that. We have to get better at it, but I am hopeful that in two weeks' time we shall be able to talk to you about the London example of the Diamond Districts which begin to show some of the potential in putting people in multi-agency teams. The police and ourselves work with the voluntary sector and others to bring very real benefits in reducing reliance on imprisonment.


 
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