The
Committee consisted of the following
Members:
Chair:
Mr
Gary Streeter
†
Bain,
Mr William (Glasgow North East)
(Lab)
Burden,
Richard (Birmingham, Northfield)
(Lab)
†
Edwards,
Jonathan (Carmarthen East and Dinefwr)
(PC)
†
Esterson,
Bill (Sefton Central)
(Lab)
†
Fullbrook,
Lorraine (South Ribble)
(Con)
†
Hopkins,
Kelvin (Luton North)
(Lab)
†
Jones,
Graham (Hyndburn)
(Lab)
†
Paice,
Mr James (Minister of State, Department for Environment, Food and
Rural Affairs)
†
Parish,
Neil (Tiverton and Honiton)
(Con)
†
Rees-Mogg,
Jacob (North East Somerset)
(Con)
†
Simmonds,
Mark (Boston and Skegness)
(Con)
†
Watkinson,
Angela (Lord Commissioner of Her Majesty's
Treasury)
†
Williams,
Roger (Brecon and Radnorshire)
(LD)
Alison Groves, Committee
Clerk
† attended the
Committee
The following
also attended
(
Standing Order No.
119(6)
)
:
Kawczynski,
Daniel (Shrewsbury and Atcham)
(Con)
Cash,
Mr William (Stone) (Con)
European
Committee A
Tuesday 15
March
2011
[Mr
Gary Streeter
in the
Chair]
Milk
[Relevant
Document: European Scrutiny Committee, 17th report
of
S
ession 2010-11, HC 428-xv, chapter
1.]
4.30
pm
The
Chair:
I call Mr Jacob Rees-Mogg to make a brief
explanatory
statement.
Jacob
Rees-Mogg (North East Somerset) (Con):
Thank you, Mr
Streeter, for allowing me to make this opening statement. It might be
helpful to the Committee if I take a few minutes to explain the
background to document 17582/10, and the reason why the European
Scrutiny Committee recommended it for
debate.
The
economic crisis that affected the milk sector in 2008 led to the
creation in Brussels of a high-level expert group to consider the
medium and long-term measures needed to stabilise the market and
producers’ incomes. The group produced its report in June 2010,
and document 17582/10 comprises a draft regulation, which seeks to
address specific issues identified by the group. Those issues are the
imbalance in bargaining power between farmers and processors; poor
transmission of market signals; the limited use of formalised, written
contracts; the rebalancing of bargaining power if producer
organisations were, within limits, able to negotiate contract terms;
the role of so-called inter-branch organisations; and the need for
timely and regular information on volumes of raw milk delivered to
processors.
In
particular, the regulation would increase the bargaining power of
producers by exempting from competition law the setting up of producer
organisations, which would be able to negotiate prices with the
processors for up to 33% of national production, as long as the
negotiation did not exceed 3.5% of EU production. In addition, member
states would be able officially to recognise inter-branch organisations
within the dairy supply chain, and would also be able, but not
required, to make written contracts for the delivery of raw milk
between producers and processors compulsory. Lastly, they would be able
to require processors to declare the quantity of raw milk delivered to
them each month. The measures would apply until at least 2020, but
would be subject to review before
then.
Although
certain aspects of the proposal would be optional so far as individual
member states were concerned, it would nevertheless introduce some
potentially significant changes. Moreover, the setting up of the
high-level group was in response to the severe problems facing the milk
industry at that time and, although the immediate market outlook seems
reasonably reassuring, it depends heavily on a number of underlying
assumptions. The European Scrutiny Committee therefore took the view
that there were sufficiently important issues arising from the proposal
to warrant a debate in a European Committee.
The other
document before us—17243/10—is a Commission report that
analyses the evolution of the EU market for milk and the consequent
conditions for phasing out the dairy quota system in 2015. It suggests
that production is likely to show only a modest reaction to the end of
the quota regime, and that the EU is on course for a soft landing at
that point. The European Scrutiny Committee saw the report as a useful
backdrop to the wider issues raised by document
17582/10.
4.33
pm
The
Minister of State, Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs
(Mr James Paice):
I welcome you to the Chair, Mr Streeter,
in this debate on an issue of great importance to the agricultural
community. I am grateful to the European Scrutiny Committee for calling
the debate, as I do not think that any of us who takes an interest in
such matters can be unaware of the serious situation facing the dairy
sector. I entirely agree with the European Scrutiny Committee’s
assessment that the proposal could introduce significant changes to the
application of competition
law.
Members
will be aware that the UK has a strong dairying tradition. It is widely
recognised that, within the European Union, the grass-growing
conditions in the UK are probably second only to those in the Republic
of Ireland. As recently as 2009-10, we had nearly 16,500 farmers
producing 12.83 billion litres of milk from 1.9 million
cows. However, we are also very aware that there has been a dramatic
reduction of close to 50% in the number of dairy farmers over the past
decade or so. That is a reduction in dairy farmers, not in cows or
milk; production has fallen by only 9%, as a result of a combination of
larger dairy farms with more cows, and increasing yields per cow due to
nutritional and other advances. That trend is not unique to the UK; it
is being replicated across industrialised countries.
One of the
issues the industry is most concerned about is farm-gate
prices—the price farmers get for their milk—which vary.
Anyone who reads the farming press, which publishes various tables
weekly, will see the variation. At the top end there are prices in the
order of 28p a litre, although I do not want to be too specific for
obvious reasons. Those higher prices tend to be for milk in a dedicated
supply chain to a supermarket for retail sale as liquid milk. The
bottom end is milk that goes into processing in one way or another,
where the price tends to be about 23p or 24p, although it can be lower
than that.
As a matter
of interest, I will compare those figures with the retail price at
three different supermarkets, which sell milk at 79p a litre. That
price is based on a pint bottle. Four pints are sold at £1.25,
which works out at 55p a litre. The dairy producers are concerned about
the share of that retail price. With some justification, they feel that
it is inadequate. Obviously, costs have recently gone up dramatically.
As I am sure everyone is aware, the cost of grain has doubled in the
past year. That is driving up feed costs, energy costs, fuel costs and
fertiliser costs. It is true to say that the average income from dairy
farms in 2009-10 was more than £24,000 before any income from
agri-environment or the single farm payment was included, but that
hides a massive variation. Many, as I sure you are aware in your
constituency, Mr Streeter, will have made a loss. As
always, the costs vary between producers and gradually, as in any other
sector, the least efficient will struggle when margins get
tight.
My
hon. Friend the Member for North East Somerset referred to what
happened in the dairy global market a couple of years ago. We have to
remember that dairy prices are no longer fixed by Ministers. The
intervention level is extremely low, which is why we see this massive
global fluctuation. That led to the high-level group, which has been
mentioned.
The
Commission’s proposals cover four aspects, the first of which is
the bargaining power of producers. The concept of producer
organisations is not merely positive; we want strongly to encourage it.
A number of aligned groups—they are not classified as producer
groups—are working directly with supermarkets for the retail
trade. I have to stress that there is nothing at present to stop
producers organising themselves into a producer group. Indeed, they can
cover 15% of the relevant market volume if they so wish. We do not have
that, but there is nothing to stop them doing
so.
We
have called upon the Commission, in the high-level group and since, to
clarify the position for producers to encourage them to form producer
organisations within existing competition law. The one issue that we
have with these proposals is that they would make special arrangements
under a different set of laws for the dairy sector, compared with the
competition law for the rest of the agricultural industry.
This proposal
changes the limits for producer organisations to 33% of a member
state’s national production, or 3.5% of European production,
whichever is the lowest. The proposal allows national competition
authorities to stop negotiations in their territory, even below the 33%
threshold, where they believe competition is being excluded. The
Commission would take that role for interstate negotiations. We believe
that national authorities should be able to act where competition is
significantly distorted, and to play a role in decisions on interstate
negotiations too. The proposal moves away from a key competition law
concept, which is the phrase “the relevant market.” We
contest that member state boundaries do not define the actual markets
for milk. They may be sub-national or multinational, as with Ireland or
smaller member states, and in the rest of Europe they may be based
close to a national border and may quite easily cover two member
states.
We argue that
33% is in excess of the level necessary to generate efficiencies. We
would prefer a lower level that would still allow farmers to gain and
enjoy their benefits, and we think that 25%, which is in line with the
EC merger regulation, would be more appropriate. We do not have any
producer organisations in the UK as far as we are aware; no
organisation is registered as such. Our two big milk co-operatives,
Milk Link and First Milk, have roughly 10% to 11% of the market apiece.
Having 25% in a producer organisation would be a dramatic change from
the current position in the UK. The proposal takes a positive concept,
which we support, but it legislates for it in a manner that carries
great risk and is unnecessary. Under the proposal, a single producer
organisation might cover more than 40% of mainland British production.
Having said that, the Committee will realise from what I have just said
that that is a long way from where we are today.
Clearly,
it would be very damaging to competition overall, and allowing price
fixing on that scale would be anti-competitive and would damage the
industry.
Contracts
between farmers and processors are widely used in the UK but not in
some parts of the EU, which is why the high-level group has proposed
them. The proposal that we are discussing does not itself allow member
states to make contracts compulsory, but the Commission has stated
that
“Member States
may, within their own contract law systems, make the use of such
contracts
compulsory”
if
they so wish. The proposal on contracts would guarantee the free
negotiation of the detail of the contracts, an approach to which we are
committed. If a member state chose to make contracts compulsory for all
contracts between producers and processors, they would have to be
written; they would have to be made in advance; and they would have to
include price, volume, timing and duration. That is an important point,
because as far as we understand it, that would be an exclusive list.
The National Farmers Union wants compulsory contracts, but many of the
aspects that it wants to see are not covered by the proposal. We do not
have a problem with the Commission’s current proposal, but if it
became too wide we might do.
The proposal
also refers to inter-branch organisations. We do not have any in the
UK, although it is conceivable that First Milk and Milk Link might
count as such. It is still slightly unclear what comprises an
inter-branch organisation, because they are a foreign entity to the UK.
They would aim at improving transparency and collaboration, but they
could not fix prices or control production and markets. We would be
quite happy to accept that proposal.
Finally,
processors will be required to declare the quantity of raw milk
delivered to them each month. That would not add to the current
requirements and would make for transparency overall, which we think is
right. I hope that that is helpful as an introduction to the
Committee.
The
Chair:
I am grateful to the Minister. We now have until
5.30 pm to ask him questions. I remind Members that questions should be
brief and that it is open to them, subject to my discretion, to ask
related supplementary questions.
Mr
William Bain (Glasgow North East) (Lab):
It is a pleasure
to serve under your chairmanship once again, Mr Streeter. In welcoming
the Minister of State to his position, may I ask him what discussions
he has had at the EU Agriculture and Fisheries Council with his EU
counterparts on the unfairnesses and inefficiencies that they have seen
in the operation of the EU milk market? What degree of consensus has he
managed to reach on how those inequalities should be eased out of the
market?
Mr
Paice:
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman, and I am sure
that I speak for him when I say that we both want to do the best for
our dairy industry, which is in dire straits. The honest answer, as he
used the word “discussions”, is “limited”.
Speeches were made, but the reality is that, with 27 different member
states, it is
difficult to have discussions. By the time every member state has spoken
for three minutes, that is two hours up. It is a sadness.
Nevertheless,
we try to have bilateral discussions with Ministers in the margins of
meetings. We have had some of those, but I will not pretend that we
have had them with every member state. Around the table, there are
mixed views. Some countries strongly support the toughest, most robust
interpretation of the high-level group’s original proposals
because they believe that they are the right way forward. Others
countries think that even the Commission’s proposals, which are
not always in line with the high-level group’s original ideas,
go too far.
The honest
answer is that a great range of positions is being adopted by different
countries, but we certainly agree with the principal issues espoused by
the high-level group. The first is that collaboration is to be
encouraged within certain constraints, to which I have referred. That
is a matter of the strength of the producer compared with the
marketplace. Work must be done on contracts, but we do not think that
member states should make them compulsory, and there are other issues
with which we are in sympathy. I have tried to make it clear that we
have a lot of sympathy for most of the points in the
Commission’s
proposals.
Roger
Williams (Brecon and Radnorshire) (LD):
I would appreciate
a bit more certainty about what level would trigger an interest from
the national competition authorities. Does the Minister agree that in
the past, a number of mergers or acquisitions, which could have proved
beneficial for producer groups, have not proceeded because the mere
threat of an inquiry has proved a
disincentive?
Mr
Paice:
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his comments. I
understand fully his absolute commitment, although I am not entirely
sure that I agree with everything behind his question. The Office of
Fair Trading was asked to investigate the proposed merger of First Milk
and Milk Link about three years ago, and gave it the go-ahead. As it
happened, the two organisations decided not to proceed with the merger,
for reasons best known to themselves—I will not comment on
that—but the OFT gave permission to go ahead, and as I said, the
result would have comprised more than 20% of the
market.
Jonathan
Edwards (Carmarthen East and Dinefwr) (PC):
May I take the
Minister back to harmonisation? We believe that harmonisation of the
proposals across the EU is a key objective. In the light of his
previous comments, how hopeful is he that that is
achievable?
Mr
Paice:
I am quite optimistic that we will reach a
conclusion, although I must tell the Committee that we are a long way
from it now. Negotiations in European quarters take a long while, and
the European Parliament is now involved in agricultural issues as a
result of the Lisbon arrangement. It is perhaps worth picking up the
point about comitology, as this is part of the wider alignment of the
single market operation with the Lisbon treaty. We would like the
proposals to match the common understanding—that is the
technical term—including
having delegated Acts clearly time limited, the correct recitals
concerning the consultation of member state experts and the correct
objection procedure; I can take longer if the Committee asks me to do
so.
There are
issues about precise implementation and comitology, but yes, I think
that we will get an agreement. I believe that we in the UK are taking a
responsible position in those discussions. As I have intimated to the
Committee, with the question mark over changing competition law, we are
basically content with the principles of the current
proposals.
Neil
Parish (Tiverton and Honiton) (Con):
I welcome the
Minister’s comment that First Milk and Milk Link can join
together if they want to, because that would perhaps create greater
muscle in the marketplace. May I ask him about short-term contracts? Is
there a need to have longer-term contracts so that the big buyers do
not push down the price at which they buy the milk because of the
short-termism of the
contract?
My
final point is on milk powder. The last time that the price of milk
powder was very high, back in 2006, the prices to the farmer were much
higher. I believe that the price of milk powder on the world market has
increased dramatically. So why are we not seeing that reflected in milk
prices to the
farmer?
Mr
Paice:
I would not want my hon. Friend to misunderstand
what I said earlier. I said that the OFT gave the go-ahead for the
merger of those two organisations when it did the investigation. I am
not saying it would not be the same today. All I am saying is that I am
not in a position to comment on what the position would be today. That
is the historic
picture.
On
powder, my hon. Friend is right that of all the global trade in dairy
products, by far the biggest is in dried milk powder. Most milk powder
comes from New Zealand and other such countries, which can literally
stop production for a couple of months at the right time of year
because it is a commodity that is easily stored and
stockpiled.
The
price of milk powder has risen dramatically over the past year or so.
So if we had a milk drying plant in this country today—we have
one at Westbury, but only a relatively small proportion of our milk can
go there—it could effectively pay something in the order of 32p
or 33p a litre against today’s global price for powder. The
reality, however, is that a couple of years ago it would probably have
been paying 14p a litre. Farmers needs to recognise that, although the
global price of milk powder can go very high, it can also go very low
indeed. That has to be taken into account when we look at the price and
are green with
envy.
My
hon. Friend’s other question was about the duration of
contracts. The Government’s view is that the length of such
contracts is a matter for negotiation between the processor and the
producer. The Commission is not proposing a particular length of
contract, and I would not want anybody to think it is. The Commission
is simply saying that the contract should include a duration, not what
that duration should
be.
We
could argue it both ways. Last Thursday I spoke to a meeting of dairy
farmers, many of whom said that 12 months was too long. They want to
get out of their contract because somebody else is offering them a
little
more. I suggested to them that when prices are on a downward slide they
might want a contract longer than 12 months to hold them at a higher
price. So the question of the right duration is a case of swings and
roundabouts. That is why I do not think the Government should be
setting the duration; it should be a matter for the producer to set
with the
processor.
Kelvin
Hopkins (Luton North) (Lab):
I do not have an agricultural
constituency, nor do I have a particular interest apart from the
consumers. Is it not the case that supermarkets are exploiting
consumers at the same time as they are squeezing the price paid to
producers? It is the supermarkets that we have to take in
hand.
Mr
Paice:
There is no doubt that many dairy farmers are very
upset at the stance of the supermarkets. During my opening remarks I
touched on the fact that they see a massive price differential between
what they get at the farm gate and what the consumer pays at the
supermarket. There is no doubt that various studies have demonstrated
that the share of the retail price taken by the retailer has risen
considerably over the past decade or more, whereas the share taken by
the processor has remained roughly static and the share taken by the
producer has declined. Those are indisputable
facts.
As
to what one should do about it, the issue, as the hon. Gentleman knows,
was rightly referred to the Competition Commission by the previous
Labour Government. The Competition Commission came forward with a
proposal for the grocery supply code of practice, which became
statutory and was implemented in February 2010. The commission also
proposed the introduction of an ombudsman to monitor and enforce that
code of practice. I think all political parties went into the general
election committed to doing that, and we will bring forward that
legislation. It is of course a matter for the Department for Business,
Innovation and Skills, because it falls under consumer affairs, but I
am led to believe that the draft legislation is only a few weeks away.
I cannot be more precise, but we can study the proposals in more detail
and I hope the proper legislation will follow as soon as
possible.
Mr
William Cash (Stone) (Con):
Following on from that point,
and also that made by my hon. Friend—he is a friend—the
hon. Member for Luton North, having many dairy farmers in my
constituency I am naturally very conscious of the fact that
supermarkets have many of them over a barrel. I welcome the idea that
there should be this code of practice, and follow-through by the
ombudsman, in the legislation that would follow. However, is it also
not the case that dairy farmers are locked into contracts that compel
them to send their market to one buyer, which is the monopoly problem,
and that because milk is a perishable product that must be collected
every day they do not have the freedom to contract that many others
have? Therefore it is important, irrespective of the problems of the
competition policy, to ensure that there are compulsory written
contracts that mean that the British dairy farmer benefits from these
proposals.
Mr
Paice:
I am grateful for my hon. Friend’s question
and I appreciate his huge constituency interest in this. However, while
we are broadly in support of the
Commission’s proposals, he is suggesting that we make the
contracts compulsory. We have not made a final decision on that. If the
regulation goes through as we anticipate, we will consult the industry
and other interested bodies, but our inclination is not to make them
compulsory because I am not sure what that would achieve. My hon.
Friend rightly referred to duration—being locked into a
contract—but as I said in answer to my hon. Friend the Member
for Tiverton and Honiton, the length of the contract can work both
ways. You can be locked in when prices are falling and be delighted,
because you are held at a higher price than you would otherwise get.
Equally, as in the current circumstances where there is an upward
pressure on prices because the skimmed milk price is gradually forcing
the whole market up, I understand farmers wishing they could get out of
today’s contract because a better one is on
offer.
The
other point my hon. Friend the Member for Stone makes is that of
location, which brings me back to the point I made earlier about the
relevant market. We believe that competition should be seen not just in
national boundary terms, but in what the relevant market might be.
There is no doubt that there are parts of the country in which there is
only one outlet for milk to be sold. The problem is more that there is
no alternative buyer, and farmers must take what they are offered,
rather than the contract. Whether there is a role for the Government in
this I am not sure. I am speculating, but I have heard that many
farmers argue that you will not get another processor to come into the
area because of some unwritten agreement that they will not poach each
other’s suppliers. Clearly I have no practical evidence for
that, so it would not stand up in any court or competition
investigation, but I would like to see more competition in that sense
so that dairy producers have a real choice of where they sell their
milk, which sadly they do not have in many
areas.
Mr
Cash:
I would simply thank the Minister for concentrating
on fairness or unfairness, which lies at the heart of the question of
competition. May I refer to a portrait just in front of him that shows
Palmerston taking a line on the commercial treaty with France, which
dealt with fair competition and trade? Behind him is John Bright
arguing against the iron hoof of monopoly. This is the essence of the
problem in a nutshell: we must find a way of ensuring that supermarkets
do not continue to have a commercial monopoly over dairy farmers, in a
way that has done a great deal of damage to them over the past
generation.
Mr
Paice:
I am grateful to my hon. Friend and I agree with
much of what he said, but supermarkets are not the only part of the
equation. Only 53% of the milk that we produce in this country is sold
as liquid milk. The other 47% goes into cheese, butter, yoghurts and a
variety of other dairy products, so we must not get too carried away
with the view that this is all the supermarkets’ fault. There is
room for criticism and I have probably implied where my sympathies lie.
We must not forget, however, that most of the lower prices being
obtained by our producers—I referred to this earlier—are
for milk that goes to the processing sector. My challenge, as a
Minister, is to find ways to enable that processing sector to pay more
for its milk, and raise the whole
base.
Mr
Bain:
Does the Minister agree with the Commission’s
assessment, which is that the terms of the draft regulation and the
action of national competition authorities combined would provide
sufficient protection and safeguards for co-operatives and dairy
co-operatives in member states, if the regulation were adopted? He will
be aware of Dairy UK’s concerns, for example, about contracts
unduly affecting it. Can he allay those concerns, and state that Dairy
UK would not be harmfully affected?
Mr
Paice:
I think that the two things are slightly different.
We agree with the proposals of the Commission. It does not say that
contracts should be compulsory. Dairy UK’s concern is what would
happen if contracts were made compulsory, and I have some sympathy with
that view. As I said in response to an earlier question, the
Government’s view is that, provisionally, we do not wish to see
that happen and it is not in the regulation. The Commission has said
that, under present law, we can make them compulsory if we wish to do
so and, if this all goes through, we will consult the industry about
that possibility. However, if contracts were made compulsory, it might
have the effect that the hon. Gentleman described, which is Dairy
UK’s concern.
Roger
Williams:
Most hon. Members welcome the coalition
Government’s commitment to the grocery ombudsman, and that
proposal has received cross-party support. When that measure comes into
place, I am sure that the first thing that the ombudsman will look at
is the milk market, because it has been a dark and gloomy sector of the
agricultural industry for some time. What I am worried about, however,
is that if an inquiry is undertaken and the ombudsman makes a
recommendation, could that recommendation be in conflict with some of
the European regulations? It is a hypothetical question, but would the
Minister make the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills aware
of the regulation and of how that might affect possible recommendations
from the ombudsman?
Mr
Paice:
I find it difficult to imagine a situation where an
ombudsman’s recommendation would conflict with the proposals,
but my hon. Friend may be right. It might be possible. I will endeavour
to ensure that the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills is
aware of the proposals, but I think that they are too broad to affect
the ombudsman or adjudicator, as we will call him or her. That role is
very much about the code, which is already statutory—the role is
very much about enforcing and monitoring that code itself, which we
already know about.
Kelvin
Hopkins:
It must surely be the case that the 53% of milk
products that are consumed as fresh milk are part of a domestic
industry, both for supply and consumption, and many of the other
products would also be from domestic supply of milk going to processes,
and then to supermarkets. Overwhelmingly, the industry is domestic. Is
there not a case for the EU having no real say in what we do with our
milk industry, and for us to leave the milk industry of other countries
for their national regulation, too?
Mr
Paice:
I thought that we would get there sooner or later.
The hon. Gentleman and I have sparred many times in these Committees,
and I will not get into
debates about the rights and wrongs of the EU. We are there, in a single
market, which is the operation against which we must judge the
regulation. However, I wish to slightly correct him, because he implied
that it is all a domestic issue. The figures I gave are of UK
production—53% of UK production goes as a liquid and 47% goes
into processing—but in the consumer market only a little over
50%, I think, of total dairy products, both liquid and processed, are
UK produced. We have a massive import of dairy products, which we need
to bear in mind, so the statistics are not quite as he describes. My
visionary approach is that I would like to see our industry claw back
some of the market that we have lost to imports, and which we could
perfectly well produce competitively
here.
Jacob
Rees-Mogg:
Will my right hon. Friend follow on from what
my hon. Friend the Member for Tiverton and Honiton said about powdered
milk? My constituency of North East Somerset is near Westbury, and yet
my local dairy farmers tell me that they find it difficult to change to
supplying the powdered milk factory from providing to the ordinary
processor because of the monopsony power of the local processors. Can
anything be done about that? Is it right to have a generalised
suspicion about the European Union thinking that introducing a
regulation that amends another regulation is the answer to a problem of
regulation?
Mr
Paice:
We could get into a long debate on the
philosophical point about deregulation being replacing one regulation
with another. My answer to my hon. Friend’s second question is
that I agree with him that it is not a particularly good way forward.
The principle we share is the point that he made about Westbury and
skimmed milk. We are back to the issue of “How long do you want
your contract for?” Westbury is, I believe, supplied by a number
of individual producers, but mainly by the two big co-operatives that I
referred to earlier that, I understand, put milk in there when they
can. Westbury was always designed as a way of taking the surplus milk
off the market in the spring, when cows produce a lot more milk with
the fresh grass. I fully understand any dairy farmer seeing the price
that they could get at Westbury today and saying, “Why
can’t I have some of that?” They are prevented from doing
so because of their current contract. Retuning to my earlier point,
they might think differently if they were forced out of another
contract to supply Westbury when the price was going
down.
I
wish to slightly correct the figures that I gave a few moments ago,
because I inadvertently misled the Committee. My memory failed me when
I talked about the total share of the consumer market. The figure is
75% for the total UK production of milk and dairy products, with about
25% imported, which equates to about half of all processed products
because we hardly import any fresh milk. We import roughly half the
processed dairy products sold in this
country.
Jonathan
Edwards:
As the Minister knows, agriculture is a devolved
matter. What discussions has he had with the devolved Governments on
the issue? Are there any major diverging opinions that prohibit a joint
UK negotiating position with the EU? My understanding is that the Welsh
Government support compulsory contracts, for
instance.
Mr
Paice:
We have regular discussions with Elin Jones, in the
Welsh context, and with the Ministers responsible for agriculture in
other devolved authorities. I am not aware of any significant
difference in the approach to the European regulation. The Welsh
Government do support compulsory contracts, but that is not what the
regulation proposes. The regulation is silent on compulsion but,
separately, the Commission says that current legislation would allow us
to make contracts compulsory if we wished to do so. As I understand it,
the Welsh Government could make them compulsory if that were their
choice. It is not in the overall approach of the
regulation.
Neil
Parish:
I should like to press the Minister on competition
law, because I am fascinated by the idea that 33% of production in the
hands of co-operatives would be too much. Tesco has 32% of the retail
trade in this country, but I do not think that the Government will
refer it to the Office of Fair Trading. I have never been convinced
that we cannot allow co-operatives to have more say in the market and a
bigger market share. Perhaps then we could actually get a better price
for the dairy farmer. I am never quite sure why the OFT seems so down
on milk producers yet never tackles
Tesco.
Mr
Paice:
“Never say never” is the argument. I
cannot prophesy what the OFT might be asked to investigate in the
future. As my hon. Friend knows, it has been asked to investigate
supermarkets on, I believe, three occasions in the past 10 or 12 years,
so it is conceivable, on the basis of averages, that it might happen
again. However, we are so far away from even the 25% that we recommend
that the argument is irrelevant. I have had this debate with
farmers’ groups and have said, “When you get to 22%, come
and argue the case for 33%.” When the best that we
have is 10% or 11%, and that is not officially in a producer
organisation, we are far from the limit. Also, I refer to general
legislation on mergers in which 25% is the trigger; it is right that we
should largely stick to
that.
Mr
Bain:
The Minister will be aware of the context of the
proposal for draft regulation at EU level. It is, of course, because of
the abolition of milk quotas in 2015. Has he had any liaison with his
counterpart in the Swiss Government? In Switzerland, contracts have
been used since 2006 as a means to secure, as the hon. Member for Stone
said earlier, a soft landing for the Swiss dairy industry in moving
from a quota system to a system in which quotas do not
apply.
Mr
Paice:
I could be very brief and say no, I have not had
those discussions. I would have astonished the hon. Gentleman if I had
said yes. The soft landing is an important point, but, as I said
earlier, we are well below the figure. We are 8% below
quota, so, for the UK, the abolition of quotas is relatively
irrelevant, unless other countries that are producing at or close to
quota were suddenly massively to increase production, which
would obviously affect the European market. There is no
evidence that that would happen. The state of our dairy industry is
replicated in every country across Europe. Dairy industries everywhere
are facing huge pressures, and I do not see massive expansion in any of
them.
Mr
Cash:
On the basis that price is written into the milk
contract, does the Minister agree that an agreed method of price
variation ought to be written into it? Many people have suggested that
that would be a good
idea.
Mr
Paice:
As I said earlier to my hon. Friend and to the
Committee, the Government take the view that they should not stipulate
the detail of contracts. The Commission is proposing that contracts
should be written and made in advance, and should include price,
volume, timing and duration. It does not stipulate the detail of those
items but that they are to be covered in the contract, and we feel that
that amount of detail is
acceptable.
I
do not think that the Government should be driving into the detail of
how the price is set. There is a raft of different ways in which it
could be arranged. One of the big supermarkets currently sets its price
on the basis of quarterly studies of the costs of production by one of
the main dairy consultants, and the price is related to that. A set
figure does not have to be put in for the price—a formula might
be used. There is a range of options. I do not think that central
Government should make that decision. Let the farmers and processors
sort it out for
themselves.
Kelvin
Hopkins:
Who would object to the return of the milk
marketing boards and the arrangements that we used to have in the past,
apart from those who are market
ideologues?
Mr
Paice:
Count me in, Mr Streeter. Part of the problem we
are facing today in the dairy industry—not every dairy farmer
likes to hear this—is a consequence of the Milk Marketing Board
and the 100% compulsory monopoly. There was no need for innovation. It
is one of the reasons for the massive import penetration to which I
referred. We sat back happily, our farmers got a pool price for their
milk and it was all cosy and nice. I do not knock it. I worked for a
farmer who was involved when I was much younger. The milk industry was
very profitable. It was all very cosy. But in the meantime we saw
massive import penetration. While we were in that situation, Europe was
forming big co-operative operations which were developing all the dairy
products that are now in our marketplaces. That is the harsh reality
that we now have to
face.
The
Chair:
If no more Members wish to ask questions we will
proceed to the debate on the
motion.
Motion
made, and Question proposed,
That the
Committee takes note of European Union Document No.17582/10, Proposal
for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending
Regulation (EC) No. 1234/2007 as regards contractual relations in the
milk and milk products sector; notes the potential for the
establishment of producer organisations in the dairy sector to enhance
the bargaining power of producers; and supports the Government's view
that greater clarity of existing competition law and what producers may
do collectively would better enable rebalancing of negotiating power in
the sector rather than the Commission's proposed exemption from
competition law and limits based upon national milk
production.—(Mr
Paice
.
)
5.16
pm
Mr
Bain:
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship
this afternoon, Mr Streeter.
I welcome the
European Scrutiny Committee’s decision to hold a full debate on
the draft EU regulation on support and regulation within the milk and
dairy sector. I congratulate the hon. Member for North East Somerset on
his opening remarks. As the Committee will be aware, producers,
retailers and consumers experienced a period of severe price volatility
in the dairy sector from 2007 onwards, which led to direct financial
support of the milk industry by the EU in 2009. As the Minister pointed
out, the industry has since recovered, but there must be no complacency
in planning to cushion the impact of the elimination of quotas on the
industry in
2015.
The
joint OECD-FAO Agricultural Outlook report leads to projections that
milk production will return to an increasing path from this year, with
total EU production 3% higher in 2020 than in 2009, with production of
fresh dairy products forecast to rise by 8% during the same period and
cheese production by 10%. One of the responses of the European
Commission to the volatility in dairy prices was the establishment of a
high-level experts group to make recommendations on the medium and
long-term regulatory framework for the industry, with a final
communication being published by the group in
2009.
The
following key challenges were identified. The first was what the group
described as sub-optimal relationships between suppliers and purchasers
in the milk products food supply chain, with the chain being lengthened
by the number of participants, and asymmetry in bargaining strength
between suppliers and purchasers. The second was the lack of
transparency on price formation along the chain and the increased
volatility of commodity products. The third was a fragmentation of the
EU internal market on milk products and a competitiveness deficit in
all sectors of the
chain.
On
bargaining power, the Commission in its document on the interface
between EU competition policy and the common agriculture policy
states:
“Unequal
bargaining power often leads to commercial dealings, which are unlikely
to restrict competition to any significant extent, but which appear to
be unjust, unfair or undesirable from a social or political point of
view.”
That
is the position that many of dairy farmers in this country and in many
other EU member states find themselves in. The National Farmers Union
published research in February of this year, claiming that dairy
farmers were being paid some £330 million annually less for
their milk than the actual costs of production, with a gap of 3p per
litre between production costs and the price received by the
producer.
According to
survey responses to the high-level group from member states, about 58%
of milk in the EU is delivered by members to their co-operatives.
Roughly 20% is delivered based on individual contracts, which the draft
regulation discusses, between producers and private processors. Another
8% is delivered through producer delivery groups, to which the Minister
referred.
The
high-level group established that current EU dairy market structures
had worsened elements of the 2009 price slump by creating rigidities in
the market, reducing incentives for innovation or productivity gains
and weakening potential to maximise market opportunities in the EU and
beyond. To deal with the first of those
challenges, the high-level group proposed several initiatives lasting
until at least 2020 and covering the immediate aftermath of the
abolition of milk quotas in 2015. The initiatives would rebalance some
relationships in the supply chain through exchange of information on
contractual practices, the launch of an awareness campaign, exchange of
best practice on notification of contractual practices, the preparation
of sets of standard contracts and an assessment of unfair contractual
practices on the internal market, with proposals for any measures
necessary to address
them.
To
deal with concerns about the formation of dominant market positions,
the proposals could prohibit individual producer organisations from
engaging in negotiations where anti-competitive practices were to be
adopted or small or medium-sized processors would be inconvenienced as
a result. It has also been recommended that inter-branch organisations,
comprising processors and those involved in distribution, be created to
improve market transparency.
The
Commission also considers that the supply of a wider range of
information is desirable in order to consider fluctuations within the
market. It therefore proposes to require raw milk processors to declare
to national authorities the quantities of raw milk delivered each
month. We welcome the Minister’s support in principle for that
idea. The Commission also intends to conduct reviews in 2014 and 2018,
and to publish more regular reports on progress in the milk
market.
In
principle, the Opposition welcome the concept of standard contracts
underpinned by changes in the legal basis in EU agricultural law and
subject to a full analysis of costs and benefits produced by the
Commission and a full consideration of the relative merits of a
voluntary rather than compulsory approach. We believe that such
contracts have the potential to provide greater certainty to milk
suppliers and the dairy sector and to rebalance the bargaining power of
the principal participants within the supply chain.
As I said
earlier, contracts have existed in the Swiss milk market since 2006 and
will remain in force until 2015. In Australia, contracts covered about
13% of Australian farm-gate milk in 2009. We believe there are benefits
in each member state taking the final decision on their introduction,
and we note the special arrangements made to protect producer
co-operatives by exempting them from the need for contracts, provided
that their statutes contain rules with the same objective. We also note
that dairy co-operatives composed of farmers and processors are
unaffected by the proposals and have been supported as a mode of
agricultural production by several judgments of the European Court of
Justice assessing their compliance with EU competition law.
We also
recognise the implications for competition law, but as the arrangements
are likely to be applicable in the short and medium term, perhaps
expiring by 2020, we believe that long-term concerns about derogations
from competition policy can be allayed. We support the idea of
inter-branch organisations, which exist in a similar form in the fruit
and vegetables sector, given that there is evidence to show that they
are likely to promote greater transparency and more research, and
encourage improvements in quality in production and processing in other
parts of the milk supply
chain.
The
Opposition support the Commission’s efforts to tackle the
inefficiencies and inequalities in the dairy supply chains. We call on
the Government to engage
positively with the proposals and secure a fairer deal for hard-pressed
dairy producers, who contribute so much to the prosperity of this
country.
5.24
pm
Jacob
Rees-Mogg:
I thank the hon. Member for Glasgow North East
for his generous opening remarks to both the European Scrutiny
Committee and to me personally. I welcome what the Minister has said
and the Government’s approach to the matter, which I think is
right. I was particularly struck by his comment that England has some
of the best land for dairy production, which could not be truer for
Somerset. The land in Somerset is ideal, the rainfall is perfect and
the grass is particularly luscious.
I wanted the
European Scrutiny Committee to push for a debate on the matter because
the dairy industry in North East Somerset has been badly affected in
recent years. Any number of dairy farmers have gone out of business,
and those that remain find the situation difficult. They are not making
enough money to invest in their business in the way that they would
like, even though they have the ideal conditions for milk. That
concerns me because, as I said in a question to the Minister, the
European Union’s approach—thinking that it can do
everything by regulation—has failed. The reason why we have
problems is not that a Martian has come down and suddenly made the rain
stop falling in North East Somerset, but that the structure of the
dairy industry, which has been run by the European Union since 1972,
has let down our farmers.
I should like
to quote the explanatory memorandum produced by the Council of the
European Union, which is in our pack, because it recognises that fact.
It is something worth noting—the European Union has, for once,
noticed its own failings. It
states:
“The
existence for a long period of fixed quotas and high institutional
prices, with, in effect, guaranteed outlets for dairy commodities
created rigidities in the market. Structural adaptation was often
inhibited, actors in the production chain were not stimulated to
respond to market signals, including price movements, and there were
reduced incentives for innovation or productivity
gains.”
That
is the worst type of regulation to have. We want farmers, along with
every other person involved in industry, to be as productive as
possible, to innovate and to avoid such rigidities. To think that we
could improve it by further regulation or amendments to regulations
that relate to competition is almost certainly the wrong way to go
about it. The aim ought to be moving towards a free market.
My friend in
European matters, the hon. Member for Luton North, will not agree with
this part of what I am saying, but the problem for British and
particularly Somerset dairy farmers has been caused by regulation and
state control. I imagine that Welsh dairy farmers have found it to be
similar problem. However, it would be wrong to go from a regulated and
constrained market to a free market overnight. Our farmers have been
given certain undertakings and reasonable expectations of how the
market is. They therefore have a reasonable expectation that it will
not suddenly be broken and moved to a free system. None the less, I
encourage the Minister, when negotiating with our European friends,
even when he is discussing matters with the Swiss, who may not be
immediately in the regulations, to say that
what we want is to get away from regulation and interference and to
allow farmers to have their own contracts, as he is going to allow, to
supply where the price is highest and to ensure that they are able to
innovate in the way that people in other industries
can.
Milk
is a commodity product. I have been involved in financial services for
the past 20 years; I was an investment manager. Most commodities have a
straightforward traded price. The fact that one is selling to a
powerful processor does not make any difference. If one had a South
African gold mine, one would sell at the gold price to one jeweller as
much as to another. What we have, because of the interference and the
distortion of the milk market, is false pricing for our farmers, so
that they cannot access the international price or change freely
between the powder price and the liquid milk price. We need to move
towards freer trade and freer markets and away from the
bureaucrat-knows-best
model.
5.29
pm
Kelvin
Hopkins:
I have listened with interest to the debate. I
suggest that more, rather than less, regulation is needed. The last
thing that we want is farmers going out of business and the country
having to import even more milk products.
I refer to
the explanatory memorandum provided by the Minister on 28 January. On
agriculture, it states
that
“there
are significant differences between each Member
State”.
That
is true. One reason why the CAP is so badly designed is that it covers
countries with great differences in the nature of their agriculture,
which suggests that each country would be better managing its own
agriculture, choosing how much to import and how much to produce and
regulating its industry to the benefit of producers and consumers.
Squeezing down the price of milk hurts producers; it does not help
consumers, but merely inflates supermarkets’ profits.
The
memorandum also
states:
“There
is a problem with poor transmission through the chain of market signals
and price”.
If the price mechanism
does not work well, it suggests that we need some regulation to ensure
that farmers get a fair price for their milk and that consumers are not
exploited by supermarkets at both ends. Again, I speak not as an
agriculture expert or someone who has traded in commodities in the City
but, I hope, as someone who looks at things reasonably
logically.
I have argued
against the CAP for a long time, but it strikes me that, nationally,
the supply of milk can be regulated. The memorandum states that
competition in the dairy market should be the subject of
“appropriate quantitative limits”. We can regulate
things, but cows cannot be magicked out of the air. They take some time
to develop and so on, unlike cereals, where one can plant more and
within a year production can be raised substantially; one can cut
production if necessary, although instability can cause problems in
growing markets as well as in animal markets, but much more
so.
It strikes me
that we need more regulation to squeeze the supermarkets and to stop
them exploiting producers and consumers. We need a more stable world,
particularly for farmers. It is seriously worrying; we may be the most
extreme case in the European Union and even in the world in our
obsessive belief that the market knows best in all circumstances and
that the freer the market the
better. I do not believe that. Other countries may say those things, but
they do not practise them; instead, they control things. France is a
classic case. It talks about supporting the national
champions—in other words, protectionism. If France does it, why
do we not do so? There is a case to be made for more regulation of the
dairy market, not less, and regulation at a national level, so that
each nation can choose on behalf of its producers and its consumers how
its market should operate.
I
say these things as an individual; I do not represent my party. I shall
support whatever our Front Bench spokesperson says, depending on the
advice given by our Whips. A free market in agricultural products is
not sensible, nor is a regulated market that covers many countries,
given the immense differences in their agricultural sectors. A
regulated market at a national level would be the sensible way forward.
There was nothing terribly wrong with the milk marketing board
arrangements that we used to have.
5.33
pm
Roger
Williams:
I shall take a middle course, as expected.
Reforming the common agricultural policy towards a more market-oriented
system has been of benefit to the farmer and the consumer, but a great
deal of volatility in food prices does not benefit either. I believe
that there is a role for the Government.
I am told
that in a perfect market we would have a large number of sellers and a
large number of buyers and that everyone would know the prices and
volumes being traded. We certainly do not have that in the milk market,
where the number of buyers is far greater than the number of sellers.
However, there will be more price transparency as a result of the
regulations, which is a good thing, and more transparency in the
quantities being traded. I therefore welcome some of the
recommendations made in the
regulations.
Finally,
in the previous Parliament, I served on the Select Committee on the
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, and we held an inquiry into the
unfortunate collapse of a co-operative. Britain has not been very good
at marketing co-operatives—we have not succeeded at it. The
inquiry resulted in certain recommendations that Governments could take
to make the operation of co-operatives more effective and beneficial,
not only for producers but for consumers. One of the recommendations
was to change the law in relation to raising capital for co-operatives.
The Minister was well aware of the recommendations at the time. Every
Department is very busy doing important things, but will he reflect
upon those recommendations at some stage? In terms of the return for
milk producers, the co-operative system, as the report said, is not
flawed, but certain changes to regulations are needed to make it more
effective for those
producers.
5.36
pm
Jonathan
Edwards:
As members of the Committee will be aware, the
milk sector in Wales is of great importance, especially to my
constituency of Carmarthen East and Dinefwr. If the eastern half of my
constituency is known as the anthracite coalfield, the western valleys
of the Teifi and the Tywi are the milk field of Wales.
The
regulations are the result of several years of work and discussion. As
we have heard, after the milk crisis, during which demand for dairy
products significantly decreased following unusually high prices in
2007, an expert group was set up to find out what went wrong and what
needed to change. The panel concluded that the current market is unfair
for farmers and recommended several measures. The Commission acted on
that information and presented its so-called milk package in
December.
The
package seeks to address bargaining power and create a harmonised
approach across the European Union in four different areas. First, it
provides a legal instrument for member states to put in place supply
contracts with specific terms between farmers and milk processors.
Secondly, it allows farmers to negotiate contractual terms collectively
through producer organisations. Thirdly, it extends to the dairy sector
the exemptions that apply for inter-branch organisations in the fruit
and vegetable sector. Lastly, it requires milk processors to declare
information on milk
deliveries.
The
Commission’s proposals on contracts provide a basis for
addressing the significant flaws that exist in current contractual
arrangements, which force dairy farmers to supply all the milk that
they produce to dairies exclusively, for a duration of not less than
12 months, with very little, if any, predictability about
the price that they will be paid for the milk. I am therefore happy
with the proposals under discussion, because I think that they will
rectify some of the injustices mentioned earlier. They address fairly
the current weak position of dairy farmers, who do not have sufficient
control over the price that they receive for the milk that they
produce. Simply raising the price for the consumer does not necessarily
mean a better price for farmers. We have enough experience of
supermarkets providing loss leaders and increasing their own margins
without benefiting their
suppliers.
The
most promising aspect of the proposals is the requirement for milk
contracts between the farmer and the processors. The contract would set
out the price and volume of milk to be sold. The Commission proposes
that member states can choose to make those formal, written milk
contracts a compulsory requirement, and as the Minister has mentioned,
that is the preferred position of my Government in Wales. We are
concerned that the desire to see a harmonised approach across the EU
could be undermined if member states are allowed to opt out of measures
that could address the serious problems in milk contracts, so we
support compulsory contracts. I hope that the UK Government will
revisit their view and argue for compulsory contracts throughout the UK
to ensure harmonisation across the
EU.
When
a member state makes contracts compulsory, the draft regulation states
that they must contain a number of elements, such as volume, price
payable, duration and so forth. These so-called essential contract
ingredients are considered necessary for any milk contract. However, we
would also like to see requirements to prevent exclusive contracts, so
that producers are not tied to one milk buyer. We believe that that
might inhibit fair competition in the
sector.
The
Commission’s proposals also include the possibility of farmers
bargaining collectively for the terms of their contract, so that they
would be in a stronger position. We think that that is a good thing.
Additionally, it
proposes to set up organisations that represent the whole supply chain,
from the farmer to the retailer. That is important for farmers and
consumers to get a fair deal and for no one to lose out, and it would
challenge the domination of the supermarkets over the whole sector. We
therefore broadly welcome these proposals and hope that progress can be
made on the issues that I have touched on, including mandatory
contracts without a requirement for exclusivity and an agreed price for
the product.
5.40
pm
Mr
Paice:
I thank hon. Members on both sides of the Committee
for their helpful contributions, which have been largely supportive of
both the Government’s position and these proposals. Let me
reinforce the message that the Government believe strongly in
collaborative working, co-operation, joint bargaining, or whatever
phrase one wants to use. Indeed, when the Secretary of State for
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs addressed the annual general
meeting of the National Farmers Union, she specifically said that she
hoped that farmers would work together to get a better deal and to
exercise greater bargaining power. That is clearly the
Government’s position.
As was said
earlier, the history of co-operation in the UK is pretty chequered.
Having worked on a farm for a number of years before I first entered
the House, even though it was in the arable sector rather than the
dairy sector, I am well aware of farmers’ unwillingness to give
up their independence for their own benefit and to pool their powers to
generate success. That view, however, is changing and we are seeing
some pretty massive co-operatives developing in the grain sector, but,
sadly, nothing in the dairy sector.
As I
intimated earlier, however, both First Milk and Milk Link—the
two big co-operatives—are now beginning to fulfil their
potential. One of them is paying dividends already, which farmers
should see as part of their overall return from the co-operative as
much as the price they get for their milk. In both cases, the
management of those co-operatives is beginning to think more broadly
compared with some of our other processors who still seem to be
obsessed with defeating each other and fighting for supermarket
contracts, rather than thinking more broadly of the market that I
described earlier.
There should
be no doubt that the Government strongly support co-operation. We can
argue, as my hon. Friend the Member for Tiverton and Honiton did
earlier, about the maximum size of a co-operative, but as we are so
many light years away from that, I feel that it is a relatively
hypothetical debate. If we got to that size, I would be very happy to
debate the matter further with him, but I fear that it is some way
away.
The
hon. Member for Glasgow North East and my hon. Friends the Members for
North East Somerset and for Brecon and Radnorshire referred to the
volatility that comes from the freer market that we are all witnessing.
Such a market is probably an inevitable consequence of the quite proper
move, which my hon. Friend the Member for North East Somerset and I
agree is right, towards free trade. We will get greater volatility of
food markets because a relatively small proportion of any food product
is actually traded on the world market, so the impact of a
relatively small rise or fall in supply can have a
pretty massive effect on a product’s price. In the dairy sector,
there is properly more trade than in some other sectors.
The hon.
Member for Glasgow North East quite rightly referred to various papers
that recognise expanding opportunities for the dairy sector. Primarily
in the far east, demand for dairy products is a result of increasing
population and increasing prosperity, and that creates great
opportunities. This country should be ready and willing to take up such
challenges. Some internationally traded products that have been coming
here may find different homes in future. Overall, though, global demand
will rise and the opportunity for the British dairy industry should be
promising. Many dairy farmers today, however, would be hard pushed to
be persuaded of that, given the plight in which they find themselves,
to which the hon. Gentleman quite rightly referred.
We would
challenge some of the figures that the National Farmers Union used in
its calculation, but overall we accept that a lot of dairy farmers are
not covering their costs, or are only barely doing so. They are
certainly not covering them enough to make the investments for the
future that we would like to see. That brings me back to the
Government’s role, which is the subject of the debate.
I entirely
agree with my hon. Friend the Member for North East Somerset that the
whole industry has been in a straitjacket in some areas and innovation
has been squeezed out. I made that point in answer to the question from
the hon. Member for Luton North about the milk marketing board, and
there is no doubt that that is a significant factor. We must find a way
to persuade our processors, and potential new ones, to invest to try to
drive back some of the imports that I have described and to take
greater advantage of the increasing opportunities for exports. That
comes in a week when our British food exports have achieved an all-time
record of almost £11 billion in the past year. That is a massive
achievement, of which we should all be proud.
The hon.
Member for Glasgow North East has welcomed my comments on transparency,
as did other hon. Members, for which I am grateful. He also rightly
referred to impacts and cost-effectiveness. We, too, are concerned that
proper impact assessment has not been carried out.
Overall, I am
grateful to hon. Members for their comments. My hon. Friend the Member
for Brecon and Radnorshire referred to Dairy Farmers of Britain, which
was a disaster. I think that everyone recognises, however, that the
disaster was not a feature of its being a co-operative, but of its
downright bad management and some awful decisions that it took. I will,
if I may, write to him on the specifics of raising capital, about which
I am aware on principle, but not sufficiently so to answer him
now.
To conclude,
the Government hope that the proposal will go through on the basis that
we have discussed. We are certainly being constructive, as the hon.
Member for Glasgow North East has urged us to be—we want it to
go through. We do not believe that it is the be-all and end-all in
solving the dairy sector’s problems—I do not think that
many people would believe that to be so—but it will help. There
is much potential for increased bargaining power. There is no doubt
that the massive imbalance in
market bargaining power between farmers and processors, as well
supermarkets, needs to be addressed. More co-operatives, the
development of inter-branch organisations in the UK—bring it on.
We would be very pleased to see that happen. It is not the
Government’s
role to force them to come together, but we would strongly urge them to
consider doing so.
Question
put and agreed
to.
5.48
pm
Committee
rose.