The New Local Enterprise Partnerships: An Initial Assessment - Business, Innovation and Skills Committee Contents


Written evidence from Centre for Cities

  The Centre for Cities welcomes the opportunity to provide evidence to the Business Innovation and Skills Select Committee's inquiry into the new Local Enterprise Partnerships. Given the Centre's remit, our primary focus is on Local Enterprise Partnerships in urban areas. This submission draws on policy recommendations put forward in our 6-step plan for Local Enterprise Partnerships.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

    — Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) are a positive step as they will bring economic decision making into line with real economic areas and make it more democratically accountable.

    — However, the Government risks creating a situation where there are too many small LEPs that do not reflect real economic areas.

    — To date, many of the potential LEPs have spent too much time talking about the possible geography and membership of their LEP rather than what it should actually do. We think the LEPs debate needs to be rebalanced so that there is more consideration of what functions they should perform.

    — The September 6th deadline for LEP submissions is too soon for some areas because it has not given them enough time to think about functions. Government should introduce another submission deadline in early 2011 for those areas still thinking through their plans.

    — The Government should phase the introduction of LEPs and accept that some will be more successful than others.

    — LEPs should focus on economic development and private sector growth. To do this their main functions should be related to the wider drivers of economic growth. This means transport, planning, housing and skills policies. To deliver these policy areas LEPs will require some new powers, operational flexibilities and funding.

    — LEPs' should place less emphasis on industrial policy interventions, like business support and innovation policy because these types of policies are not major drivers of private sector growth. However, LEPs do have a role to play in these areas.

    — LEPs will need to balance the need for extensive business engagement against the need to be democratically accountable bodies.

    — The Regional Growth Fund should primarily be targeted at where it can have the greatest impact on private sector growth.

  The body of this submission is structured around the topics that the Committee has set out to consider. Before that we briefly introduce the Centre and outline why we think Local Enterprise Partnership (LEPs) are a positive step.

ABOUT THE CENTRE FOR CITIES

  The Centre for Cities is a non-partisan research and policy institute, aimed at helping cities improve their economic performance. We work with cities, employers and central government to develop practical policy solutions which help urban economies grow.

  The Centre for Cities has been a long time proponent of city regions. We think that powerful city regions will result in better policy decisions being made, allowing for stronger economic growth. In 2006, we published City Leadership, a report which called for more power to be given to city regions.

  We also have a strong track record of working directly with cities, many of which are currently deciding on how to pursue LEPs. In the past year we worked closely with Birmingham, Liverpool and the Partnership for Urban South Hampshire (PUSH), which includes the cities of Southampton and Portsmouth. We are currently working with Derby, Sheffield and Croydon.

WHY ARE LOCAL ENTERPRISE PARTNERSHIPS IMPORTANT?

  We think that LEPs are a good policy idea because they should enable the emergence of stronger city regions that are able to make more informed (and accountable) policy and investment decisions that can drive growth in their areas. LEPs are important because they seek to strengthen sub-national economic development by devolving power and aligning decision making with real economic areas.

  However, we have some concerns that the geographical size of some LEPs will be too small to be effective. LEPs are supposed to cover real economic areas.[25] However, inevitably the negotiation of LEP geographies is shaped as much by politics as by the economic evidence. If the outcome of these negotiations is lots of very small LEPs this is likely to lead to inefficient policy outcomes. While the Government should be flexible in its approach to the geographies that local authorities want to form, it should insist that these capture the vast majority of a LEP's real economic area.

  Policy decisions in areas like transport, housing, planning and skills need to be taken over the same area that people travel to work and that businesses engage with their suppliers and customers. This reflects evidence that suggests that where the administrative boundaries of an area match its economic footprint it experiences faster economic growth.[26]

  While the Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) achieved some successes, they were not without their faults. They lacked accountability, were set an unrealistic task, and were a barrier to the emergence of stronger city regions.[27] Also, the regional tier as a whole evolved to contain too many bodies, with many agencies duplicating each others' functions and therefore led to waste.

  Having set out why we think LEPs are important we now address the topics which the Select Committee will consider as part of its inquiry. We regard the first topic—the function of LEPs—to be the most important, and so have dedicated most of our comments to this section.

1.  THE FUNCTIONS OF LOCAL ENTERPRISE PARTNERSHIPS

  The functions that LEPs end up delivering will be critical to their success. However, thus far, our conversations with cities suggest that many areas have been too focussed on the geography of their LEP and who the members of individual partnerships are, and not on what the LEP should do. LEPs must now move on to the task of defining their objectives and setting out their plans to deliver on these.

  To take account of the varying levels of preparedness across the country, Government should introduce a phased approach to LEPs and should set another submission deadline for early in 2011 so that lagging areas have another chance to take part in the LEP process.

What should the objectives be?

  We think that LEPs should focus on improving the economic performance of their area. In terms of key indicators, this objective could imply targeting an increase in the productivity of a city (measured by GVA per capita), the productivity growth rate, the employment rate or the number of new private sector jobs being created.

  For some LEPs it will be unrealistic to target an improvement in some of these indicators. For example, LEPs involving struggling cities, like Blackburn and Stoke, are unlikely to generate a significant number of new private sector jobs.[28] In fact, these places are more likely to continue to lose private sectors jobs. The appropriate aims for LEPs in these situations maybe focussed more on stabilising the economic performance of their area (ie slowing the rate of decline).

  The broader principle is that individual LEPs will need to choose objectives and indicators that are appropriate to their economic context. Government should engage in a dialogue with individual LEPs about what their objectives should be and encourage them to be realistic.

Focus on the wider drivers

  To improve the economic performance of their area, LEPs should focus their attentions on the wider drivers of economic growth—planning, housing, skills and transport. By contrast the targeted interventions in policy areas like enterprise and business support that local authorities and RDAs often emphasise will probably have less of an impact on long term economic growth and private sector job creation.

  In focusing on the wider drivers of economic growth, many of the interventions that LEPs will need to make will require using powers they already have at their disposal. In an era of fiscal constraint, co-ordinating policies across authority boundaries and prioritising investments within LEP areas will take on an even greater importance.

  In all four of the wider driver policy areas the key responsibility of a LEP will be to produce an integrated strategy that identifies the key investment priorities for the area.

  In the individual policy areas our recommendations are that LEPs should:

    Transport: LEPs should identify investment priorities for their area. Local authorities should pool local transport plan funding and should transfer the management of the road network to the LEP level. In areas where there is an Integrated Transport Authority (ITA) it should be incorporated into the LEP. Central government should grant LEPs greater control over the rail and strategic road network, and should support LEPs that choose to implement a congestion charge. Central Government should support LEPs to establish, if they wish, Transport for London style governance arrangements and allow them to borrow against future revenue streams from public transport and congestion charging fares.

    Skills and employment: For areas where they do not yet exist, LEPs should create an Employment and Skills board (ESB) as a sub-group of the LEP. This should cover the same geography as the LEP. The ESB should draw up a strategy for improving the skills profile of an area. The strategy would identify employer skills needs and would commission training provision to meet these requirements. LEPs should also have a role in guiding the number of apprenticeships to be delivered in an area and setting the sectors of the economy that these should be focused in. Finally, LEPs should gain oversight of Jobcentre Plus services, to ensure integration between employment support and skills services.

    Planning and development: Local authorities should transfer the responsibility for major planning decisions to the LEP level. LEPs should be allowed to set the policy environment for their area, setting out strategic infrastructure requirements for their area, taking decisions on the proportion of development to take place on brownfield land and identifying areas for growth in their area, which could include greenbelt land. LEPs, via their local authority members, should also be able to enact compulsory purchase orders. LEPs could also take a lead on identifying public sector land and assets in their area in order to ensure their value is being fully utilised as was piloted in Total Place.

    Housing: LEPs, particularly those in economically buoyant areas, will need to deliver sufficient houses, of the right tenure, in the right places. LEPs should look at setting LEP-wide housing targets and setting the policy for the proportion of affordable housing to be delivered in each development. Central government should transfer Homes and Communities Agency (HCA) funding to LEPs to deliver these housing plans.

    Business growth policy: While the majority of LEPs' efforts should be focussed on the wider drivers of economic growth, some scope does remain for LEPs to make specific interventions in the area of industrial policy. However, here a different (and more realistic) approach should be taken compared to the one pursued by RDAs because the evidence suggests that many of the policies that tried to support the growth of key sectors and clusters have failed.[29]

  Instead of delivering an extensive sector development programme LEPs should look at providing a focussed and consolidated business support offer to a smaller group of high growth firms. To support innovation, LEPs should include university representatives in their membership and facilitate exchanges between business networks in different sectors. LEPs should focus more attention on business retention and expansion support for existing businesses than chasing inward investment, particularly from overseas.

2.  FUNDING AND VALUE FOR MONEY OF LEPS

  The funding of LEPs has been an issue on which the Government has so far provided very little detail.

  LEPs need a large single pot of funding to use as they wish so that they can drive forward economic growth. Without sufficient financial resource, LEPs will be unable to deliver on the economic needs of the areas they cover. The fiscal situation means that no additional money is on the table for LEPs. Instead, they should be given a flexible single pot of money that they can use at their discretion to meet the economic development needs of their economies.

  A single pot for LEPs should be drawn from transport, housing, and employment and skills budgets. The money should be spent as they see fit to meet the needs of their economic area. National government should retain some oversight of spending from this pot, but the conditions attached to the money should be relaxed. For example, the threshold for major transport projects should be extended from £5 million to £25 million. Cities should also use LEPs as the vehicle for coordinating a Business Rate Supplement (BRS). As LEPs will involve business, using the LEP to enact a BRS will ensure buy-in and approval from the business community.

  In addition to more flexible use of central government funds, local authorities will clearly need to fund many LEP activities by pooling their own budgets and resources.

  In terms of the distribution of these funds, given that LEPs are about strengthening the economy, it should probably be calculated on the basis of an LEPs share of the economy (using Gross Value Added figures). This could be done on a national basis or, if the Government wants to maintain a focus on boosting the north, on a regional basis—using the existing RDA funding allocations as a starting point.

  Such a funding distribution is likely to favour LEPs in urban areas. We think this would be the correct outcome. Cities are the drivers of the UK economy and the majority of future jobs growth will take place in urban areas.

  It terms of cost effectiveness and value for money, the introduction of a LEP based on our suggestions would reduce the need for strategic planning, economic development and transport functions to be delivered by every local authority, at least to the extent that they currently are being delivered. The experience in London of the planning and transport arrangements between the boroughs and the Mayor offer useful insights that LEPs could learn from.

3.  ARRANGEMENTS FOR CO -ORDINATING REGIONAL ECONOMIC STRATEGY

  For the most part, the introduction of LEPs will result in the end to regional economic policy making. However, there could be a number of areas in which it makes sense to continue to provide co-ordination and operate oversight at the regional level, if this is the spatial level at which the policies can be most effectively dealt with. For example, multi-LEP transport projects—such as the transport links between Leeds and Manchester and Liverpool—and nationally strategic industries—such as the nuclear sector in the North West—are two areas that we have previously identified as possibly justifying the continuation of a "multi-LEP" body.[30] Added to this, accessing and administering European Regional Development Funds seems likely to continue at the regional level, due to European regulations. Beyond these functions we do not see a further need for additional coordination at the regional level.

4.  STRUCTURE AND ACCOUNTABILITY OF LEPS

  LEPs need to have strong governance structures and be clearly accountable. One of the major failings of the RDAs is that ultimately the powers that they gained were considered to be incompatible with their lack of accountability.

  We think that LEPs need to have real decision making powers over issues like planning and transport and that decisions in these areas need to be democratically accountable. Therefore, we think that the membership of LEP boards should be primarily formed of the leaders of the constituent local authorities.

  One of our primary concerns with the Government's current proposals for LEPs is that by creating LEP boards which have an equal split of business and local authority leaders, LEPs might end up being relatively weak decision-making bodies due to a lack of accountability.

  To incorporate business views into a LEP board, we make two suggestions:

    — LEPs could form minority business boards. The business members would have voting powers but would make up less than 50 percent plus one of a board's membership.

    — LEPs could have a business council which would sit alongside the decision-making LEP board, offering its advice and with the power to make recommendations to the LEP board that it would be compelled to consider.

  Of these two suggestions we prefer a LEP business council. However, we recognise that given the Government's stated preference, the option of a minority business board, might be more appropriate.

  LEPs will also need to face an effective form of scrutiny. We suggest that LEPs be scrutinised by a "chamber" of Councillors, drawn equally from all member authorities.

  Another issue of importance is how a local authority city mayor will interact with the LEP board. Mayors are expected to be elected in England's 12 largest cities in May 2012, subject to confirmatory referenda.[31] This is around the same time that LEPs are expected to fully replace RDAs.

  The Government has already suggested that elected mayors may chair the LEP board in some areas. While we are sympathetic to this idea, we recognise that it could create some problems.

  An elected city mayor could end up being the most powerful member of a LEP board, thanks to the large number of votes that they have received and their public profile. A strong local authority city mayor could create tensions between local authorities trying to work together in a LEP.

  For example, if Birmingham votes for a city mayor who then chairs a city region LEP, the Mayor for Birmingham would only have the mandate to represent Birmingham City Council. Other authorities in the Birmingham LEP may fear that a mayor would use the power of the LEP to push resources towards Birmingham local authority, rather than making decisions that benefit the wider city region. In another example, based on the Conservative party's previous statements,[32] the Leeds City Region may end up with three directly elected mayors on its LEP board.

  The preferred solution to the elected mayor problem would be to create city region elected mayors instead of local authority city mayors. However, currently this seems unlikely. One alternative solution would be that an elected city mayor would chair the LEP board, but would not have voting rights. The Mayor would then be a powerful advocate for the LEP and could shape the policy programme, but could not exert undue influence. Either way the Government needs to define the terms by which these two points of authority should work together to avoid potential clashes.

5.  THE TRANSITIONAL ARRANGEMENTS

  The transition from RDAs to LEPs is likely to be difficult and careful arrangements will be needed to ensure that the process takes place as smoothly as possible. While the Government is keen not to be prescriptive about the final shape of LEPs, close management of the transition is vital. Failure to manage the transition process adequately could undermine the LEP policy, before it has even begun. The Government should also bear in mind that the transition is unlikely to be cost neutral. Previous institutional reorganisations have been expensive and it seems reasonable to expect that some of the same costs will be associated with the transition from RDAs to LEPs.

  The Government should not attempt to create all LEPs at the same time. Instead it should phase the introduction of LEPs. This would allow the cities most advanced in their arrangements—like Greater Manchester and the Leeds City Region—to progress their LEPs quickly, while those LEPs that are less advanced would have more time to bring their plans together. Phasing the transition is also likely to make the process more manageable from the Government's perspective. There are also likely to be some LEPs that are even less developed in their ideas. These partnerships may need to be phased to start at an even later date. Government should introduce another submission deadline in early 2011 for those areas still thinking through their plans.

  The Government should also be ready to accept the failure of some LEPs. The bottom up nature of the LEP policy will inevitably result in various levels of performance, with some LEPs performing strongly, some becoming talking shops and achieving little, and a few failing, possibly quite publicly. This should not be seen as a failure of the policy as whole.

  Finally, when transitioning from RDAs to LEPs, the Government should allow the transfer of any financial stakes that RDAs have in assets and funds (eg property portfolios, regional venture capital funds) to these new institutions. This would allow LEPs to use the assets to push forward important developments and to realise their value at a more opportune point in the economic cycle.

6.  THE REGIONAL GROWTH FUND

  The Regional Growth Fund (RGF) is small in comparison to the overall budget of the RDAs. The budgets of RDAs amounted to £2.2 billion in 2009-10 and £1.5 billion in 2010-11, however, the annual budget for the RGF is just £500 million (£1 billion over the two years). This means that expectations about the impact of RGF spending should be kept firmly in check and that the money should be carefully prioritised to maximise its impact and to ensure its value for money.

  To do this Government must be clear about the objectives of the fund. The Growth Fund's consultation document sets out the aim of the fund to stimulate private sector job creation in places hit hard by public sector job cuts. But it is unlikely that weak economies with a dependence on the public sector will be key centres for future private sector jobs growth.

  We think the RGF should have two independent objectives. The first should be to stimulate private sector jobs growth wherever the strongest case can be made for this, including in those areas that have already been experiencing strong private sector growth. The second should be to manage transition in struggling areas that do not have strong private sector growth prospects, but do need support in dealing with the challenges of on-going industrial restructuring.

  As an indicative split we suggest that the funding allocation should be split between these objectives on an 80:20 basis in favour of the private sector job creation objective, so that the main thrust of the fund is focussed on stimulating private sector employment.

12 August 2010







25   The best measure that we currently have to reflect real economic areas is travel-to-work areas, which reflect commuting patterns. Back

26   Cheshire P & Magrini S (2005) European Urban Growth: throwing some economic light into the black box, LSE Working paper presented to European Regional Science Association Congress, Amsterdam Back

27   Larkin K (2010) Regional Development Agencies: our position, London: Centre for Cities Back

28   Webber C and Swinney P (2010) Private Sector Cities: a new geography of opportunity, London: Centre for Cities Back

29   Duranton G (2009) "California Dreamin": The feeble case for cluster policies, Processed, University of Toronto Back

30   Larkin K (2010) Regional Development Agencies: our position, London: Centre for Cities Back

31   Communities and Local Government (2010) Draft structural reform plan, London: CLG Back

32   Conservative Party (2009) Control Shift: returning power to local communities, London: Conservative Party Back


 
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