The Strategic Defence and Security Review - Defence Committee Contents


Further written evidence from DefenceSynergia

1.  I am writing on behalf of my colleagues in DefenceSynergia following your welcome and supportive response of 3 August to our letter and paper of 19 July in respect of the Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR).

2.  I also wish to address a concern, often expressed or hinted at in reaction to the SDSR, that the review has to be entirely constrained by cash limits. No SDSR can reliably predict future threats in great detail and timing so, what has to be decided is the most versatile collection of capabilities necessary to meet the range of threats that can be sensibly discerned and when they are most likely to arise. We support this analysis but are worried that if the SDSR is Treasury driven, then the resources thereafter provided will be dictated and no evaluation of the considered threats will make any difference to the outcome. It would not be a genuine review and the government would be rightly derided for avoiding proper consideration of our medium and long term defence and security needs. Your committee is in the front line to expose any contradictions both within the SDSR and the measures taken in its implementation.

3.  Surely, notwithstanding how difficult the current financial circumstances, the protection of national sovereignty and ultimate survival must take precedence over all other spending considerations. Radical measures will have to be taken by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) and these will, no doubt, include reorganisation, efficiency savings and probably a refreshed doctrine. But this "new thinking" must chime with the UK's protection and foreign policy aims. Should cash limits be allowed to dictate future defence then it will be important for the Defence Select Committee to draw out from the government that they are prepared to deny the very evidence that an honest and unbiased SDSR should provide.

4.  I would like to submit our paper - "An Approach to the Strategic Defence and Security Review" as a template against which to judge the outcome and implementation of the SDSR. This has been circulated but is attached for convenience.

5.  I ask for the opportunity to give oral evidence on our paper and on the following issues:

  1. a.  Depending on decisions made over foreign policy, the leadership and management of the Armed Forces must be reshaped to ensure far greater efficiency in the procurement and use of assets.
  2. b.  Rethinking of required roles and doctrines are vital since the current perception and actuality of the order of battle is confused by having to assign current roles to a pretty rigid tri service model, each element of which has an unshared, unique culture.
  3. c.  Given the relative trends in departmental public expenditure over the last decade, the defence budget has already yielded up more than its share of Treasury demanded savings measures when a comparison is made between the relative achievements of the major spending departments in this regard.
  4. d.  Equipment cost inflation is greater for defence systems in the inevitable race for military superiority amongst nations. This factor must be taken into account when considering the relative merits of alternative suppliers, the need for a "home" defence industry and the best value for taxpayers' money.
  5. e.  The defence industry should be an important engine for "growth" in the economy since, not only does it need to be ready for any required upsurge in production and hence requiring a supportable stream of work to retain skills, but it spawns technological "spin offs" which feed positively into non military production.
  6. f.  That the value of retaining a nuclear deterrent in its most secure form is an intrinsic element of the UK's foreign, defence and security strategy. This is not to keep harking back to some "cold war" requirement but to recognise a proliferation of such threats and to maintain our bargaining influence in any future negotiations to reverse proliferation.
  7. g.  Given the UK's responsibilities towards overseas territories and friendly powers, an element of autonomous, flexible and speedy expeditionary capability is essential.
  8. h.  The UK is a trading nation dependant for 95% of her raw material requirements being supplied by sea. This demands a concomitant contribution to maintaining freedom of use in Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCS). A presence of the UK's naval outreach should be commensurate with expectations on our freedom to trade.
  9. i.  The defence of the UK from attack by air - in whatever form this may emerge - is, arguably, a vital requirement.
  10. j.  There is a very strong case, in terms of efficiency, value for money and effectiveness for more "jointery" between government departments. Although the FCO and DfID are vital in this regard, the Home Office, Local Government & Communities should become more closely involved where their interests are directly affected.

6.  Please use DefenceSynergia's website for the detail required on our backgrounds and please communicate with any of us, using our website contact details.

6 September 2010



 
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