Looked-after children - Education Committee Contents


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 1-41)

JON FAYLE, DAVID HOLMES, DR ROGER MORGAN OBE AND MAXINE WRIGLEY MBE

15 DECEMBER 2010


  Q1 Chair: Good morning. Welcome to this sitting of the Education Committee. I welcome David Holmes, Jon Fayle and Roger Morgan. It appears that Maxine Wrigley is not with us, for which I have had no explanation, but I am glad that the three of you are here. We are holding a one-off evidence session on the issues surrounding looked-after children. It follows a report produced by our predecessor, the Children, Schools and Families Committee, of which I am the sole, remaining member. Since then, we have not only a new Committee, but a new Government so it is important to revisit the issues that were looked at in the previous Parliament and find out what changes have happened since then. Later, we will have the opportunity to talk to the Minister in the new Government to find out how their approach will differ and whether it will be more effective than that of the previous Government. Before we move on to looked-after children, I want to ask you, Roger, about your thoughts following John Dunford's review of the role of the Children's Commissioner and his proposal vis-à-vis merging the role of the Rights Director with that of the Children's Commissioner. If that goes ahead, what advice will you be giving to ensure that the new role is more effective than John Dunford found the Children's Commissioner to have been up to this point?

  Dr Morgan: There are a number of positive good points. First, the move to establish the new Children's Commissioner very much on a children's rights basis linked to the United Nations convention is an extremely positive and long-needed move. In more specific terms, it involves the commissioner in making child impact statements of legislative change, etc., which is also an extremely positive move. The stress in terms of process and approach on increasing the evidential impact and the basis on children's views is very welcome. Slightly closer to home, I very much welcome and—you won't be surprised to hear—endorse John Dunford's underlining of the importance of the work specifically for children in care and other vulnerable children in three main areas, such as the casework function, which I have been calling "ombuds-lite"—I notice he has used the same term. That is very welcome as a preserved activity, even in the context of there not being an overall ombudsman function for the commissioner. Secondly, there is the emphasis on children's views and pure reporting of children's views, particularly from the vulnerable end of things. Thirdly, there is the general specialism in children in care. You asked about advice. I have one major worry and one major element of advice. The major worry is that, although John Dunford has clearly talked about two organisations—he used the term "organisations"—as partners merging into one, a move that I welcome and think is right, I am concerned that the activities of the Children's Rights Director at the moment—whether it is me in the future or someone else—should not be subsumed or dissolved. I notice that various press coverage has used the word "dissolved", which does not seem to be in the spirit of what John Dunford was recommending. It is important to make sure that the legislation that preserves the functions that he has endorsed preserves specifically the role and the uniqueness of those in the same way as it has in the move to the National Care Standards Commission, the Commission for Social Care Inspection and successfully to Ofsted, so preserving the role and the unit as well as the broader functions. One area of advice is clearly to maximise absolutely the extent to which what the commissioner is, does, recommends and chooses to plan to do is based on the directly ascertained views of children and young people rather than necessarily campaigning on a small "p" political agenda, so it is very much child-driven.

  Q2 Chair: In your view, those two aren't compatible.

  Dr Morgan: I'm not saying that they are incompatible, but that there are different lead emphases. Sometimes, they turn out to be compatible; sometimes, they don't.

  Q3 Chair: Thank you very much for that.

  We will now move on to the subject of the day—looked-after children. When children come into care, they come with a number of problems already. Is the system effective in turning those problems around and preparing the children for adulthood?

  David Holmes: Last year, more than 90,000 children will have had at least one day in care. If we think about the circumstances that those children have so often come from, we know that a majority come into care because of abuse and neglect. Often these children have experienced very toxic combinations of parental mental ill health, domestic violence and huge amounts of difficulty at home. When we think how the care system has kept so many children safe and well looked after, the care system does a good job. Sometimes, we measure performance in the care system by those things that we can count; it might be how many GCSEs looked-after children obtain. What we find harder to measure is the difference between what would have happened if those children had remained at home, as opposed to going into care.

  Q4 Chair: But David, that was not really the question. I am assuming that children going into care are no longer abused—one would hope—in the way they previously had been, but my question was trying to ask whether it does more than be a place of safety, with no rehabilitation or improvement. The danger, some people would say, is that the system lacks ambition. Your answer would seem to suggest that you might share that view of the danger, but that we can do more than just protect children from what would have happened if we had left them in the care of abusive adults, and that we need to look to do better. Other countries do better, and therefore we could do better, too.

  David Holmes: But you talk about the system, as if the system is just one thing. In fact, the system is huge amounts of individuals working together to try to make children's lives better. Instead of thinking about a single system, think about the tens of thousands of foster carers who, every day, have a direct impact on children's lives. If you measure success in terms of the impact that individuals can have on individual children every day, you get a better measure of success in the care system. There is lots of good practice, and there are also areas where we need to concentrate much more and do more.

  Jon Fayle: I resonate a lot with what David has just said. It is very variable, however. Some children are ill served by the care system, but many, most I think, are well served by it. You might characterise the care population as children, of whom at least 60%, and probably more like 70% to 80%, have had horrific, traumatic and abusive experiences. And you might characterise the job of the care system as seeking to help heal, undo and assist children to become resilient in the face of the trauma they have suffered. It is very variable, but the longer children stay in care in long-term stable placements, with secure attachments with long-term carers—be they foster carers, or adoptive or other carers—the better the chance is. Again, it is very variable from local authority to local authority, but I feel that, generally speaking, insufficient attention is given to the psychological consequences of abuse and the need to try to counteract those consequences. In one of the authorities that I work with, Sutton, there are two psychologists from CAMHS, who are dedicated to the looked-after children population. The work they do is not always so much with the children themselves, but just as often with foster parents. They help them to understand very challenging, difficult and off-the-wall behaviour, and provide them with ways of thinking about it and strategies for dealing with it. That kind of help for this kind of population of children is very under-provided and, potentially, is a great area where we could improve things for vulnerable children.

  Dr Morgan: Going back to what children themselves have told us, the majority of children we have asked said that their life has been better in care than they think it would have been out of care. That is not a controlled trial; that is a perception. Despite the fact that a far higher proportion over time did not want to come into care, overall children regard their care experience far more positively than many people would suspect. In fact, 90% rate their overall care this year, in a survey of more than 1,000, as good or very good.

  Q5 Chair: What does that look like over time?

  Dr Morgan: Over time, that figure is holding. We have three years' figures and the figure is holding fairly steady. It is not showing a dramatic increase or decrease. Where there are issues, or problems, is that there are too many children who are falling through the net, as it were, of what might be regarded as a reasonable system. There are a number of stages at which that is happening. Can I quickly identify three or four of them? One, too many children are telling us that they are first coming into care with too little notice, too little information and too suddenly. Secondly, while in care, many children are coming through—the casework that I was describing earlier—on placement changes that are not always in their own best interests but are increasingly triggered by the financial concerns of authorities, which are not necessarily alongside the wishes of the child. Thirdly, there is a lot of inconsistency in the provisions and assistance for children leaving care. I think there is a major investment issue for the future on how children and young people leave care and what support they get after that. Finally, on education we know that there is underachievement of children in care in education. To quote two figures, 87% say that they regard their education as good or very good this year, and 77%—10 percentage points less—are saying that they feel that they are doing well or very well in their education.

  Chair: I welcome Maxine Wrigley, who has now joined us.

  Maxine Wrigley: Apologies for being late.

  Q6 Chair: Would you like to come in on that?

  Maxine Wrigley: I pretty much echo what Roger is saying, in terms of the research that we carry out. We do similar work to Roger's organisation, but our organisation is led by young people. The trustees of the charity are young people from care. I am the chief exec and I was in care when I was young, from a few days old until I was 16. One of the things that causes issues is that it is almost like there are 150 mini-care systems in England. We talk about one, but they all seem to deliver differently and have different characteristics. That causes problems, particularly for people moving round the system. One of the problems is that out-of-authority placements may mean that you are used to one area, but then you are moved to a different area, perhaps because of a shortage of carers. By the time you have got settled in that area, it may be that you are able to move back to your area, when there is more availability in the system. A fair bit of moving around goes on, some of it unnecessarily. It is due to shortages of good carers.

  Q7 Craig Whittaker: While I hear what David says about measurable outcomes not always being the right things to do, do you honestly think that the current system is aspirational enough for our young children? I am not convinced it is.

  David Holmes: It's whether or not you measure aspiration by what the system does, or by what individuals do in relation to the children in their care. I have met many foster carers and many adoptive parents who have incredibly high aspirations for the children in their care that they are parenting. At its core, this is about the quality of relationships between the people caring for children and those children, and the impact that a single trusted adult, or individual, can have on improving outcomes for a child. I take Maxine's point that we would be better to think about this as 150 local authority care systems than as one big system. We should think about this as interventions with an individual child rather than what the system does. Of course the system is important, but it is not the only measure of success.

  Q8 Craig Whittaker: But would you not agree that the system is failing in preparing those children for life after care?

  David Holmes: I think some children are being failed, but many others are not, and are being provided with the care, parenting and support that they need to move on. But, yes, there are a number of children who are being failed. It is the variation between what different local authorities do and between the experiences that different children have even within the same local authority that should be a stronger focus of attention.

  Q9 Tessa Munt: Good morning. I want to look at the number of care applications. We have statistics that show there has been a big leap between 2008-09 and 2009-10. Why do you think the number of children in care has grown? Are there more children in need? Are the needs identified better? Or is there a panic approach after recent events and those care applications have come about as a sort of pre-emptive move? May I have your observations?

  Maxine Wrigley: I sat on the social work taskforce, which was obviously set up as a result of the tragic death of Baby Peter. I was also lecturing some social work students—masters and degree students—last week. There is definitely a feeling among people of a risk-averse culture where social workers are damned if they do and damned if they don't. It's a very difficult job. There does seem to be this feeling now—"What if something goes horribly wrong again, like with the Baby Peter case?" That has had an impact, and the figures have shot up since then. I am not entirely sure what the answer and the solution are, but I think there is sometimes a knee-jerk reaction to things, like the media and how they portrayed that situation. On the social work taskforce, we did have "Dear Deirdre" from The Sun, who was one of the people deliberately invited to sit on the taskforce because of her role as a journalist—trying to portray the image of social workers better. However, the social work students I met last week were still feeling something—all of them admitted to wondering whether they should go into social work, because of the public image. If you think about it, that's not really going to be helping the children and young people.

  Dr Morgan: Children I speak to on that point—you don't get the same response from everyone, but a large number—are saying it is because of Baby Peter. Having said that, there is a context that I hear very frequently from children. One thing is that there are not very many who say that they didn't think they needed to come into care in the first place, once they're in; there are some, of course, but there is not an overwhelming view that they came into care inappropriately. Indeed, there is more the view that some of them should have come into care earlier.

  Q10 Tessa Munt: From the young people?

  Dr Morgan: From the young people themselves—earlier rather than later. There is quite a strong view that, once in care, quite a number of people would feel that they are in a position to return home, but usually dependent upon some major change—very often a major change in their parents' parenting—and they understand that that is sometimes an unattainable goal. In terms of the numbers coming into care, yes, quite a number talk and speculate about whether additional support could have kept them at home, rather than them coming into care. I cannot give you a statistic about how many, although I can tell you from different studies or conversations how many children say that they think more support could have kept them out of care. But the figures are actually very different in different studies. There isn't a constant, but what there is a constant about is the kind of support that might keep more out of care. Children—generally speaking, not all—are coming up with three common themes. First is support for their parents, yes. Two, they ought to do it themselves—one thing is support for personal problems that the children themselves feel they have. Third is help for them, and doing it themselves—keeping themselves out of trouble, either at school or in the wider community. Those are three common themes of support, help and factors that children feel might have helped to keep them out of care, but in the context of a view that there is not a huge number coming in—at the moment. There are children who, obviously, come into care for a while, but there is a time lag between that and the changes that are taking place.

  Q11 Tessa Munt: You referred earlier to a slight resistance from young people themselves to going into care. If they pop in and out of the care system, I assume that that resistance is a lot less the second, third or fourth time. Am I correct?

  Dr Morgan: Not necessarily. The resistance is a natural feeling of "I don't want to have my life disrupted", "I miss my family, I feel homesick" or "I don't know what the future holds"—"scary" is a term very frequently used. In terms of coming in and out of care, the very strong message we've got lately is young people saying you need to put a lot of investment into support to get you back home. Just going back out, which does sometimes happen, isn't enough. You almost need as much investment in support to keep you back home, to stop you having to go through the revolving door.

  Q12 Tessa Munt: That changes the question I originally asked the two of you. The things that we're trying to measure might be changed in the light of what you're saying about people who are returning, or coming in and out. That very support system is how we might measure how to keep somebody out of care and stop them being a returner. In the light of that new information, can I ask you the same question?

  Jon Fayle: I agree with what has been said. I think the main driver for the increase in the care population has been media exposure and panic. The interesting underlying question of whether that is right and whether more children need to be in care is much more difficult. From my experience and the experience of members of the National Association of Independent Reviewing Officers, I'd say that we are not suddenly seeing a lot of children coming into the system who on the face of it don't need to be there. I haven't heard anyone say that. What I have experienced and heard said is that they sometimes stay in longer than they need to. There are the quite proper concerns of local authorities to make sure that things are safe and good for when the children should go home. Often, that is taking a much longer time than it should. I can think of cases where children have been in care for over a year, when really after about three months it was clear that the crisis that led to them coming into care was over. In response to an earlier question about aspirations, I believe that there are high aspirations for children in the care system, generally speaking. But sometimes they are hugely overwhelmed by terrible bureaucracy and paperwork that sometimes seems to be the most important thing for social workers to do. The only other thing I wanted to say was about the other population of looked-after children—children in custody. Strangely, while the number of children in looked-after accommodation has been going up, the number of children in custody has been going down. That is a quite curious correlation. I have always taken the view that children in custody are children in the public care. They are not looked after by local authorities, but they are children in public care who should get just as much attention to their needs as others do. It has always seemed to me that it is probably right that a lot of children in custody, who have unmet needs and terribly traumatised backgrounds, would be better in the care of the local authority. They would be better looked after in a welfare system than in a custodial system. In so far as what's happened recently may represent children who would have gone to custody actually coming into the local authority system, it is an enormously good thing. Whether it's true, I don't know. But I think it's a very interesting correlation.

  David Holmes: A direct consequence of the Baby Peter case has been that local authorities have been looking very carefully at the families and children they are working with and reviewing whether those children need to come into care. I am sure that much of the increase in numbers of children coming into care is explained by cases of neglect where a decision is taken that the child, because of the circumstances in which they are living, needs to come into care now. It's also interesting to compare the number of children that we have in our care system—per 10,000—with, for example, some of the Scandinavian countries, which perhaps have double the number of children in care that we have. That suggests that the threshold for coming into care in this country is higher than in some other European countries. It's a group of children with more complex needs. That's an important point to make, because I think we need to be careful about what we're comparing when we compare our system with systems in other countries. I am quite sure that a consequence of the Baby Peter case has been that local authorities are now looking very carefully at the children in families they are working with, and reviewing whether those children should be coming into care. However, if you go back to before Baby Peter's death, we were actually seeing quite a sharp increase in the number of children with child protection plans, so I don't think we can link everything to that particular case.

  Q13 Tessa Munt: Can I get you to give me a one-sentence answer on the idea of children staying in care until they are 21?

  Maxine Wrigley: I think it is a wonderful idea.

  Dr Morgan: I would differentiate staying in care from having support when you need it until 21. Yes to the latter.

  Jon Fayle: If they want to continue where they are living until they are 21, they should be able to. That would be great.

  David Holmes: The average young adult leaves home at 24. Why shouldn't young people in care have similar flexibility?

  Q14 Tessa Munt: Fine. Thank you. There have been discussions around the Minister encouraging local authorities to be more open to adoption by families of a different ethnic background from that of the child. Is he right?

  Maxine Wrigley: Yes, I believe so. I have a very good friend who was adopted and brought up in a white family in a very white community. He and I share the view that there is a shortage of placements, and that, "Love is blind"—those are the words he uses. If there are places, and people who want to love children and children who need homes, maybe we need to think beyond just the colour of skin.

  Q15 Tessa Munt: Do any of you have any different view from that?

  Dr Morgan: Just to elaborate slightly, what matters to individual children, time and time again, is "getting the right decision for me at this particular time." There is a whole range of factors, not just skin colour, ethnicity or any of the others that we might latch on to.

  Jon Fayle: I would agree. You want to match the family to the needs of the child. Part of that is ethnic background, but that is not the whole story, and it shouldn't overwhelm; it shouldn't be so much the prevailing, high-priority matching factor that other factors are missed. If you can't find the right match that way, then find the best match you can in another.

  David Holmes: The law is actually very clear. An adoption agency or the court, when considering whether or not an adoption should go ahead, has to give due consideration to a very wide range of factors, including the child's identity, ethnic background, religion, language and culture, but you have to balance that against other factors, including, importantly, delay to the child in making a placement for them. I think what is important in this debate is that while we need to speed up adoption, we need to get matches right, and that we don't just ignore the child's identity, because that is important too.

  Q16 Damian Hinds: Sorry to butt in, but I want to push this a little, if I may. Although everyone said, "Oh I agree with the person who just spoke", it sounds as though there are actually two completely different takes, if you don't mind my saying so. I just wanted to check if I have actually understood that phrase. What Maxine basically said was love is blind—I am sure there are gradations—and therefore ethnicity, I think she was saying—

  Maxine Wrigley: I'm not saying it doesn't matter.

  Damian Hinds: Of course there is a role, but you seem to be putting it quite far down the list of priorities. It seemed a much more nuanced picture from other colleagues on the panel. I just wanted to check with them if that was in fact what they were trying to say.

  Maxine Wrigley: I know that we're in a situation where we have huge delays and shortages, and not enough placements and people coming forward. We are not living in the ideal world. For that reason, I think that it could take more precedence.

  Q17 Damian Hinds: To be clear, you would downgrade what people perceive to be the role of ethnic matching in the system.

  Maxine Wrigley: Yes. As David pointed out, there is a whole set of criteria that you have to try to match around. We're having a conversation about just one of them. Rather than not have a placement at all, absolutely.

  Damian Hinds: But for the sake of argument, isolating all other factors, you would downgrade that one in the pecking order. I just want to check with the other panel members.

  

  Q18 Chair: Do you think Haringey is wrong, because otherwise you could sound like you all agree? Haringey say that when it places children in families, the families broadly reflect the child's racial and cultural background. In Haringey that seemed like a pretty clear steer—it gave huge weight to it. Is it wrong to do so?

  Dr Morgan: I baulk at saying right or wrong, because that is a factor and we can pick on a whole range of other factors and say, "We should try and make sure that we place a child." "Do we get on as a potential family?" is one of the commonest questions that children are asked—I would put that one far higher in the pecking order, to use your term, and I would put others far lower, but there are a lot of factors. That range of factors will have a different profile for a different child. Children might have a particular background, where, for example, there is a very strong religious sense, and they have that sense themselves. So that may well be a very important factor, which overrides some of the other factors that we may pick out. It is back to the individual child, I'm afraid.

    Chair: I fear we are going to disappear into complexity; we need to move on, because it is a short session.

  Q19 Nic Dakin: I am focusing on what looked-after children want. One of the things that you all seem to be saying is that whatever family or arrangement children are in, they want good parenting. Are we putting enough resources into that?

  Dr Morgan: Can I put a "yes, but"? Yes—good parenting. There are, however, uncomfortably, a significant number of children and young people in care who have experienced a lot of breakdowns in attempts at good parenting. Many children have experienced both a foster family and a children's home, and if you ask them which they prefer, some will say, "I prefer a children's home, because I've not experienced that good parenting and I think I need something different now." Whether you agree or disagree with that, it is an important "but" to add to the "yes" in response to your proposition.

  David Holmes: My view is that good parenting is essential and should be an absolute priority. But it is also worth saying that we are talking about the parenting of children who have, inevitably, suffered multiple disadvantage, and often they need quite therapeutic parenting—parenting-plus. It is about how you ensure that your foster carer work force—and we are talking about foster carers here, because that is where three quarters of children who are looked after live—have the skills that they need to parent children who have experienced huge difficulties in their young lives. It is about ensuring that they get the continuing support that they need in order to be able to look after those children as well as they possibly can. That is about understanding that it means being able to cope with—maybe—behavioural difficulties, problems with education, mental health difficulties or other health issues. It is thinking about the support that foster carers need to parent children who have had extraordinary experiences already in their lives.

  Q20 Nic Dakin: Are local authorities delegating enough day-to-day responsibilities to foster parents to allow them to deliver that?

  Maxine Wrigley: There are some mythologies. For example, for many years people have been under the impression that to stay overnight at a friend's house requires huge numbers of police checks, etc. Two Ministers that I know of have already clarified that with a circular to local authorities over the past decade, yet often social workers and children in care still seem to be under the impression that staying over at a friend's house or going on holiday with a friend involves a huge bureaucratic process. Actually, it is a myth. We in this room all probably know that you don't need to go through all those bureaucratic processes at all. But unfortunately there has been confusion, and a mythology has built up around some of those things. To answer your question, I think that front-line carers— who might be residential or social workers, or foster carers—so long as they are trained and supported properly to do their job, and are remunerated properly, should be more autonomous to make decisions.

  Q21 Nic Dakin: Are they trained and remunerated properly at the moment?

  Maxine Wrigley: No.

  Q22 Nic Dakin: What needs to be done to address that, Maxine?

  Maxine Wrigley: The social workers and foster carers that I come across seem, on the whole, to be lovely people who have busy lives and, frankly, I think that it's a lot to ask from a system and from a set of people. Foster carers and residential and other social workers have a difficult job, and I don't believe that they are trained and supported that well.

  Jon Fayle: On the previous bit of your question, Nic, I want to very much support what David said. The absolutely critical thing—

  Q23 Chair: Can you tell us what that looks like and what we can do to make it more likely? I don't mean to disrespect your answer, but saying that it is needed is easy. We're trying to look at what changes—what nudges—need to be made in the system, and what levers need to be pulled by the Minister to make this better, rather than just saying what we'd like and noticing how it's not there at the moment.

  Jon Fayle: It's very skilled therapeutic support for foster parents who are looking after the most damaged children, because that affectionate, caring relationship with boundaries offered by the foster parent is the most critical factor in undoing the difficulties of looked-after children. In terms of delegated responsibility, the practice that I've seen is very variable, but I greatly believe that foster parents should have more delegated responsibility. They often feel very powerless in the situation. It varies a lot from local authority to local authority, but I think that any steps that can be taken to safely delegate much more responsibility to foster parents should be taken.

  Q24 Chair: So, would an undertaking from the new Minister today to send a letter to every foster carer, to be handed to everyone who enters into training to be a foster carer, be useful? How do we break this, if Maxine's right and they still carry on putting these restrictions on it?

  Maxine Wrigley: It's better training of social work students, making sure that the curricula are letting them know the correct procedures. Staying overnight at a friend's house has never been a big issue, but for some reason there is still a perception for some people that it is, so we need more clarification.

  Dr Morgan: Yes to greater delegation. The policy position clearly should be that a foster carer, or for that matter a children's home member of staff responsible for a child, should be able to make the same range of decisions for that child—that's a big ask, and there are financial consequences—as a reasonable parent would, unless there is a care plan-specific reason not to. That is not an unknown precedent. Looking at the issue of some of the delegations—the overnight stays—and responding directly to this issue about a letter, there have actually been quite a lot of letters. There have been circulars and letters, and the likes of Maxine and me pontificating ad infinitum, and information has been sent to children themselves on challenging this one about overnight stays. I ask myself, "Why does the issue occur?" and the only answer I can come up with is that there is a natural risk worry—I'm not even going to use the term "risk aversion" because that indicates that it's somehow unreasonable—that if you give a permission for a child in care that you might give to your own child and it then goes wrong, you're going to be for the high jump in some way. Just more letters won't do it, without some degree of what I'd almost call insurance confidence to go with it, which is also demonstrated in practice. Did you make a reasonable decision on the information that you had at the time, which you would have also made for your own child? It went wrong; it does for some people's own children as well. On the other issue about foster carer training, it is a heck of an ask to be a foster carer. When we've asked foster carers and foster children together what they think they need in terms of training, one top answer that comes through is not so much training in the sense of courses or things that everyone gets, but information, briefing and skills to deal with the particular concerns and problems that that individual child you're about to look after has, be they behavioural or emotional problems, as a result of the background they've had, or medical or more specific care needs.

  Q25 Nic Dakin: Can we pick up the role of the independent reviewing officer? John might want to start on this. Is it drawn currently in a way that is effective in ensuring that children's voices are heard, or would it be better to concentrate resources on giving each child an advocate, who is distinct from the local authority and is clearly charged to fight that child's corner?

  Jon Fayle: I believe that having an independent and robust reviewing process for every child in care is essential because—this may sound quite a tough thing to say, and I don't say it in a critical way of social workers or any individual—we know that the local authority cannot always be trusted to act in the child's best interest. Its policies and procedures, which the social worker is bound to follow, may not be in the child's best interests. The child may be looked after in a regime like pin-down, which was believed in the child's best interest. I believe that having an independent scrutineer of the local authority's practice and plan is essential. There is a very strong argument for saying that it should be independent and outside the local authority; there are arguments both ways, but I think there is a strong argument there. In terms of advocacy services, I believe that every child in care should have the right to an independent advocate, but that is different from a reviewing officer. I am glad that the new guidance, in particular the IRO's handbook, says that every child shall have the right to an advocate. How that pans out on the ground, I will be very interested to see, because it is not the position at the moment. But the advocacy role is a different role, and the advocate may sometimes be arguing for things that they don't agree with, such as, "I think I should be allowed to smoke in this children's home." This is where the IRO cannot do it. The IRO may think that the local authority's plan is right, and the child needs to be away from its parents, but the child might be saying, "No, I want to be at home with my parents. Please let me go home." The child needs to be able to make that view as powerfully and strongly as possible with the help of an advocate, but it would not be the IRO's role to make the advocacy point on behalf of the child.

  Q26 Nic Dakin: So what added value does the IRO bring?

  Jon Fayle: Independent scrutiny to safeguard the child from plans, processes and practices that the local authority may be conducting that are not in the child's interest.

  Maxine Wrigley: Young people feel really strongly that it shouldn't be called an IRO if they are not independent. If they are working for the local authority, I am not sure that there is a proper scrutiny role there. We carried out quite an in-depth piece of research with young people about IROs two years ago, and we did a refresher piece of work recently. There doesn't seem to have been much change. I am aware that there are now steps to alter things, but I think the whole idea of having an independent reviewing officer is that they should be independent, and that was definitely what young people wanted. The idea of being able to have an advocate if and when you need one, as an independent person to help you, particularly to make a complaint or to get to what is before the level of an actual complaint, also seems very important to young people.

  Dr Morgan: The roles of advocate and IRO, children see them very separately. An advocate, as others have said, speaks what I want to say if I am not articulate enough to do it. The value of an IRO is that they are somebody who can formally and legally challenge the local authority, who can check out for me or a child in care the rules I might not know about to make sure that the authority is doing the right thing. That is very different to advocacy. I have worked with children who have said that they see the independence as an issue, and would see independence from the local authority as beneficial on the whole. The other key question that some children have asked, when we are looking at all the different roles and functions around a child in care, is, "Which ones overlap or need to be carried out in part by social workers?" They don't see IROs and advocates as the same, but they sometimes want to know what the definition of a social worker is.

  Q27 Damian Hinds: The 2008 Act requires local authorities to provide both in-area availability and a choice of placements. How realistic do you think that is? How close are we to where we need to be, and what more can be done to improve placements? Let's start with David.

    David Holmes: It's certainly very challenging providing a sufficient range of appropriate placements within a local area. If you are in a London borough, you may be talking about a very small geographical area in which to provide those placements. We also know that staying relatively close to home and being able to maintain friendships and stay at school are the things that really make a difference to many children in the care system, in terms of being able to get on with their lives. So, the principle behind the sufficiency duty is a very good one. However, that requires very concentrated work, on the part of the local authority, to source sufficient high-quality, safe local placements. That is a huge challenge, but it is a challenge that is shared, and one where there is scope for better commissioning practice and more sharing about what works. But it is also important to continue that supply of placements—to make sure that we continue to recruit foster carers, to make sure that we retain the ones that we have got, to make sure that they are properly supported and trained, to make sure that we have residential care available for those children who need it and to make sure that we continue to have a flow of adoptive parents coming through. This is about having all the building blocks to make the system work.

  Q28 Damian Hinds: What proportion of children do you think are offered a choice?

  David Holmes: In practice, I imagine that few children are actually offered a choice. However, if you were to ask looked-after children which they would rate more between a choice of placements and one very good placement that is right for them, I am sure they would go for the good placement. I don't think choice is everything. This is about making sure that you have a supply of placements that reflects the assessed needs of your local care population.

  Dr Morgan: I endorse that. Very few say that they have a choice of placement. To slightly rephrase your question, children ask the same question, but they put it as: "Can I have a choice of at least two placements?" It is not much of a choice if there are not at least two. Very often what is said is, "We've found you a placement." That is a kind of standard phrase. "Can I also have a back-up," might be another question, "if the first one doesn't go too well and if I don't settle too well?" Can I just give you a couple of statistics? Sorry to throw these around, but I am excited because we have just finished the 2010 monitoring of the care system by children and young people, which I will send to the Committee when it has been finalised[1]. Although very few say that they have a choice, 83% said this year that they think they are in the right placement for them. That still leaves quite a number—17%— who are not. The issue of placement moves is important. The median number of placements that each child in the survey had been in this year was three, over their care to date. Not over the total in a care history, but over their care to date, which covers very variable periods of time in care, that was the median number of moves. Seven out of 10 said that they thought that the last move that they had made was in their best interests. So, there is an issue around the combination of choice and stability. I may be anticipating a future question, but, incidentally, just over half thought that the last time they had had to change school because they had changed placement was in their best interests, too. Sometimes the choice is not only of an initial placement, but also comes up when there are placement changes. I don't have an answer, other than to say that there is a supply problem, to how commissioning can generate that range of placements. All I can say is that children are very much saying that the best way of trying to get it right first time, rather than having to change it a number of times, is to have information for both sides—for the child and for the placement itself—and to have a gradual introduction, as well as not forging ahead with a placement that is not actually going to work because the signs of arguments and of not getting on are already there.

  Chair: The quality of answers is fantastic, and I am enjoying all of them. Can we make them as short as possible for what remains of this session?

  Q29 Damian Hinds: Three seems very high for a median number of moves in a year. There were 1,300 children in England last year who had five or more placements, which seems a shocking statistic. Maxine, what is your take on how to reduce that?

  Maxine Wrigley: I think it is a supply problem. As Roger said, if there are not enough people out there wanting to offer the placements and being supported and trained properly so that they are able to offer placements, how can children have choice in placements and how can they have good placements? There is a supply issue in the stock of placements. Moving placements is traumatic if you have to move school as well. You can see why there are issues in educational attainment, if that happens several times. Children and young people have said to us time and time again—this echoes Roger—that they want information pre-placement, during the placement and post-placement. Other young people can then know that the family have a dog and go to Scarborough for the holidays. Those kind of things are useful to know and can set the ball rolling before they go and see a placement. A lot of people do not know until they get there, and in a way that is heartbreaking for everyone if it breaks down. There needs to be a better quality of information before the placement.

  Q30 Damian Hinds: I know we are short of time, but I want to touch on care with relatives and friends. There is a formal part of that, because one in 10 settings is formally with friends and family, but a large swathe are informal. Between the two, there is quite a difference in the level and type of local authority support. What are your thoughts on whether there is room for a halfway house, with the best of informal and the formal, but with more support? What progress has been made on improving local authority support for those informal settings? If we start with Jon, as we skipped him last time.

  Jon Fayle: Again, there are 150 mini-systems, so it is very difficult to generalise. My general experience is that relatives and friends are not well cared for by the system. They are not properly supported and not given finance. Sometimes they are asked to care for a child by a social worker and then abandoned. Is there a halfway house between being informally in care and a completely informal arrangement? I think that notion would be worth exploring, to try to find some regulatory framework to create that halfway house and give those relatives the support and protection that they need to do the job properly.

  Q31 Damian Hinds: Are there any differing thoughts on that from the others on the panel?

  Dr Morgan: Children have a strong message. Always look to see if there are family or friends, but always check them out, as you would anyone else. Do not assume that because they are family or friends it is okay. As a caution, watch it and be very clear whether it is a private arrangement or a publicly made arrangement. That has a heck of an implication when you start getting to entitlements for leaving care later on.

  Q32 Chair: I just wanted to pick on one thing. The Children's Workforce Development Council will have its core functions brought into the Department. Can we have very quick answers on whether that will make it even harder to recruit decent people, or will it lead to an improvement?

  Dr Morgan: As a declaration of interest, I am a member of the CWDC, although I do not think that is why I say this: what is important is not losing the functions, rather than the structure itself. There is always the risk, as I was saying earlier in relation to my own functions, of them dissolving.

  Q33 Ian Mearns: The case of Baby Peter seems to have had a profound effect on the whole system in terms of how people view things. Do you think it might have affected the lives of looked-after children and the support that local authorities can give them? Are there long-term implications from that? Secondly, how do you view the prospects for local authorities in being able to commission long-term preventive work to address individual family circumstances? Do you see them deteriorating where children end up being looked after as a preventive measure because of a shortage? There is an end to ring-fencing for a whole range of budgets and that could be a potential implication.

  David Holmes: I think that we know from generations of work with families who are experiencing difficulty, that if you intervene early in a family and do as much as you can to support the family, whether that means providing family support or removing the child, the long-term outcomes for the child will be better. It is false economy to cut early intervention. I know that across the country local authorities are looking very carefully at their budgets, but cutting early intervention is a mistake. On top of that, you must question the implications of the Baby Peter case. The best thing that can happen from very tragic cases like that is that we become even more robustly child-focused and try to make the very best decisions that we can at the right time for children who need state care.

  Dr Morgan: There is, I agree, a false economy in cutting back on support, not only early support but returning from care support as well. In a time of austerity, there are obviously major concerns about the sustainability of saying that. A lot of what children and young people identify is needed in the system is not necessarily additional money. It is also getting a number of things done in a particular way. We have used things like information. We have used things like notice and choice, very much listening to the child's views. That process does not necessarily require additional money.

  Q34 Craig Whittaker: Surveys in September show that only 25% of those in care at the age of 18 are in employment or training. That also shows a huge amount of NEETs. That compares incredibly badly, even with a short time ago in 2006, when it was 33%. Why do you think it has fallen so sharply?

  Dr Morgan: It is difficult to look at it over time for two specific reasons. Children in care under-achieving was mentioned earlier. It is becoming an increasingly competitive market for getting jobs these days. The second issue is about asking children and young people about their perception of how they are seen outside. Time and again I hear that people from care—either in care or care leaders—are feeling that there is a prejudice against those from care in two areas, one of which is accommodation and the other is employment.

  Q35Chair: Can I challenge you on that? Surely when employers interview someone, one of the questions that they won't ask is, "Have you been in care?" I don't understand what you are saying.

  Dr Morgan: It is a known factor for many that they are from care, whether we are talking about interviews, promotion prospects or college places. Knowing that you are from a care background is a known factor. There is a dilemma. I am sure that Maxine may well want to come in on this from personal experience. "Do I or do I not say that I am from care? Do I try to keep it a secret?" A lot of children try to keep it a secret that they have been in care or that they are from care. That is not the best platform to start selling yourself for employment or, indeed, accommodation.

  Maxine Wrigley: We carry out polls of general attitudes to care as work for the Prince's Trust and the Who Cares? Trust. Attitudes to care have got better over the past 10 or so years. The public generally understand more. The public say that they would give jobs and treat these people the same. However, it is not perfect as yet and we still hear about people who don't want to tell people that they are from care. My experience when I was living in a children's home was that I was really embarrassed to go into the children's home. I used to walk round and round the block until the neighbours weren't looking, because I thought that they would think that I was some kind of youth offender or that I had been naughty. I thought that the general public thought—and this is still fairly true, and there is a mix-up—children came into care because they have done something wrong.

  Q36 Craig Whittaker: So are the two of you seriously saying that one of the biggest causes of children at 19 not being in education or having a job is perception?

  Maxine Wrigley: No, I'm not saying that that's the largest cause. I'm saying—it's a salient point anyway—that basically there is an element of shame and discrimination in children's lives.

  Q37 Craig Whittaker: Let me revisit the question. Could you explain why you feel that there had been a decline over the past nine years for those children who aren't in education or in jobs at 19?

  Dr Morgan: I gave you two factors; the other was underachievement. I would like to think that employers would very positively want to employ young people from care because they are underachieving and therefore have greater prospects of development, learning and performance after that. Unfortunately, that is a rather more altruistic view than is generally taken. If you're underachieving, that shows up in your qualifications, certificates and achievements, and that is a major drawback in securing employment. From what children and young people have told me, I can't proffer a trend statement, but I think that that has been a fairly consistent picture over the past three years.

  David Holmes: I think that it comes back again to the parenting issue. A key transition point for any young adult is support to get into employment, education, training or whatever it is that they need at 18-plus. These children are in state care, and it should be a priority for the state to ensure that every support is given to get them into employment. There have been some good pilots, the From Care 2 Work programme and apprenticeship schemes, and we need to look at those really carefully, find out what's working and what isn't working in them, and prioritise getting these children jobs.

  Q38 Craig Whittaker: Let's talk about underachievement. What we do see in the education system is that the attainment levels of children in care go down, and that there is a huge crevice between those in care—or those who have been in the care system—and those who aren't. What can we do to put that right?

  Maxine Wrigley: The children and young people we speak to consider that getting an education is the single most important matter, above and beyond better spending, which I thought was quite shocking. They basically want to get a better education, with out-of-hours support, and extra support so that they can stay behind and do extra activities and generally just have a little more support with homework and education. If your life's in a mess and you're feeling unstable you're very likely to not focus on your school work. Education is an area in which children and young people want to do well.

  Q39 Craig Whittaker: Do you feel that carers have the skills to give that support? Foster carers, for example.

  Maxine Wrigley: Often they don't. There are foster carers who perhaps didn't have the best education themselves, so we can't say, "You can't be a foster carer unless you've got a degree," but at the same time people perhaps need to support the carers more to help them to do homework with the children more.

  Dr Morgan: Catching me up when I've missed something, perhaps because I've had personal problems or been out of school for a while—a very constant issue—isn't necessarily something that purely a designated teacher can do, although designated teachers are getting a positive report from children and young people at the moment. But yes, it is carers having the skills to be able to pick up, for example, that you have dropped badly back in reading, which is something that can really set you to fail consistently thereafter. You change schools—that might be positive for some reasons and negative for others—and you end up on a different course or with a different teacher and a different approach, starting at a different place in the book, or in a different book. "Catch me up" is a term that I'm afraid I've invented, but which summarises the kind of issues that a lot of children are raising.

  David Holmes: Helping foster carers to support the learning of looked-after children is crucial. My organisation has just done a project called "Fostering Education", which focused on five to 11-year-olds in foster care and on helping them with literacy. It was a quick intervention, which worked, and is the sort of thing that foster carers need to have available to them.

  On that point about catch-up, these children have experienced a lot. They might not be ready to do their exams at 16 or 18. We need to make sure that the support is there so that they can catch up and take those exams when they're ready.

  Q40 Craig Whittaker: I want to take up what Roger said earlier about those involved in the criminal justice system. Do you think there is a lot more scope to manage looked-after children by managing their behaviour throughout the process rather than to help reduce the numbers?

  Dr Morgan: I think there is. I wish I could give you the answers to exactly who is doing what. We're actually planning a consultation with children and young people on specifically that issue of what might build up—resilience and recovery—in relation to criminal activity.

  Q41 Chair: Perhaps Jon can tell us.

  Jon Fayle: I can't tell you yet, but I can tell you that—with another hat—we are commissioning major research from the University of East Anglia precisely around the issue of the over-representation of looked-after children in the criminal justice system. What it's looking like is that occasionally children are sucked—accelerated—into the criminal justice system by the looked-after children system. Behaviour in children's homes that otherwise would not be regarded as criminal is reported to the police and the whole thing starts. There is some of that, but we think that that may be just anecdotal rather than systemic. But a lot more can be done. There are better ways of dealing with challenging behaviour in children's homes—and foster homes—through restorative justice, most obviously, but also the protocols between the police, children's homes, social services departments and youth offending teams about how to handle the issue. We can try to decelerate and divert children whose behaviour might be seen as criminal and get it out of the criminal arena. We think we can make a lot of sensible proposals around those areas to try to ensure that care is a buffer against criminalisation rather than what it occasionally is—an accelerant.

  Chair: Thank you. That's a very positive note on which to end. Thank you all very much for a really fascinating session. Please do stay in touch with the Committee. If you have any thoughts or if you want to follow up with any recommendations on which you think we should press Ministers, we'd love to hear from you. We will now take evidence from the Minister himself.


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