3 Drivers
for reform of the CAP
58. This is the fifth round of CAP reform in
the last twenty years and is unlikely to be the last; the Minister
described it as "another stepping stone towards whatever
will be".[83]
The Commission has given no clear indications as to the
long-term future of the Common Agricultural Policy. However, it
is likely that some form of common policy will still be needed
to avoid distortion of competition.[84]
59. Defra were critical of the Commission for
failing to set out a "clear vision for the future of CAP
expenditure".[85]
The RSPB also felt the lack of a direction for the future CAP
left farmers "in limbo" and said it would be "excellent
if there was a clear signal in 2014 about those groups of farmers
that were going to receive income support in the long term",
and those that would not.[86]
Changes to the single farm payment are seen by 65% of uplands
farmers as their most important challenge for the future, highlighting
the importance of a clear future trajectory for the CAP.[87]
60. The drivers of past reforms of the CAP have
been internal budgetary pressures and external political pressures,
such as the need to reach an agreement on the WTO Uruguay trade
round. The Tenant Farmers Association (TFA) felt that these drivers
were weaker this time round as "there is not really the WTO
impetus that there was in the last reform, or the reform before
that. I know that the budget issues are still important, but they
are not as important as they were when the CAP budget was more
than half the total amount of spending in the EU".[88]
Although agreement on the WTO Doha Development Round is being
sought, this is not expected to require radical changes to the
structure of EU agricultural support as direct payments are considered
to be compatible with WTO conditions for non-trade distorting
support (that is, 'Green Box').[89]
61. A recent political analysis of past CAP reforms
concluded that external pressures are more likely to lead to ambitious
reform.[90] The NFU agreed
that lack of external factors driving reform made ambitious changes
more difficult to achieve.[91]
62. We believe that the absence of external pressures
from the WTO should not prevent the Commission striving for ambitious
reform. The recent Foresight report into the Future
of Food and Farming describes the confluence of a growing
population, increasing wealth and changing diets, and the potential
effects of climate change as a "major threat that requires
a strategic reappraisal of how the world is fed".[92]
One of the key messages of the Foresight report is that future
food security can only be achieved through 'sustainable intensification'
(Box 4).
Box 4: Key recommendations of the Foresight Global Food and Farming Futures project[93]
Action has to occur on all of the following four fronts simultaneously:
- More food must be produced sustainably through the spread and implementation of existing knowledge, technology and best practice, and by investment in new science and innovation, and the social infrastructure that enables food producers to benefit from all of these
- Demand for the most resource-intensive types of food must be contained
- Waste in all areas of the food system must be minimised
- The political and economic governance of the food system must be improved to increase food system productivity and sustainability, including reducing agricultural subsidies and encouraging free trade
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63. The Royal Society has described sustainable
intensification as where "yields are increased without adverse
environmental impact and without the cultivation of more land".[94]
The UK Government has committed itself to "work in partnership
with our whole food chain including consumers to ensure the UK
leads the way on sustainable intensification of agriculture".[95]
A reformed Common Agricultural Policy could surely play a key
part in achieving this policy objective.
64. We believe that the absence
of external pressures from the WTO should not prevent the Commission
striving for ambitious reform. The aim for this round of CAP reform
should be to enable EU farmers to achieve the 'sustainable intensification'
that is required to meet the global challenges of feeding a predicted
world population of 9 billion by 2050 without irrevocably damaging
our natural resources.
65. Our predecessor Committee's report on UK
food security concluded that "clear leadership from Defra
is crucial to the security of the UK's food supplies" and
encouraged Defra to report its actions to promote UK food security
as part of the Departmental Annual Report.[96]
Subsequently, the previous Government published Food 2030,
its "vision for a sustainable and secure food system for
2030".[97] The NFU
recently called on the Government to produce a new 'food plan'
to reflect the challenges identified in the Foresight report.[98]
In response, the Secretary of State referred to Food 2030
but said: "It has not been at the top of my agenda".[99]
So far, the Government has not signalled any intention to produce
a new food strategy.[100]
66. The Government's position
on the Common Agricultural Policy must be coherent with its strategy
for ensuring food security. Defra should decide whether, and if
so how, it intends to implement the previous Government's Food
2030 strategy, taking into account the recommendations
of the Foresight Future of Food and Farming report
and the UK's position on the future Common Agricultural Policy.
Future agricultural policy and
world trade
67. The EU is one of the major players in agricultural
trade, importing mainly commodities and exporting high quality
and processed products. The evolution of the CAP has been closely
linked to the opening up of EU agriculture to world markets, presenting
both a challenge and an opportunity for UK producers.
68. Although the EU has granted extensive market
access to many of the least-developed countries under the 'Anything
but Arms' initiative, prohibitive tariff barriers exist to prevent
over-quota imports of sensitive products, such as meat and dairy,
from more developed countries.[101]
Resolution of the Doha Development Round could lead to cuts in
tariffs of around 50% overall for developed countries, although
'sensitive' products, for example beef, would probably be protected.[102]
The EU also committed itself to phasing out export subsidies during
previous Doha Round trade talks. The WTO is expected to produce
a new draft text for the Doha Development Round shortly.[103]
Separately, the European Commission is negotiating a bilateral
trade agreement with Mercosur; this could open up European markets
to highly competitive agri-food exports from countries such as
Brazil and Argentina.[104]
69. Econometric analyses conducted by the Agri-Food
and Biosciences Institute (AFBI) indicate that trade liberalisation
would have a significant effect on food production and prices
in the UK, particularly in the livestock sector.[105]
Dr Moss, a lead author on the study, concluded:
... your average farmer is not as aware of the protection
that is there with the export subsidies and the import restrictions,
but that is really what is maintaining the prices in many cases
for Europe [...] It is only when that existing protection is removed
that you start to see a big knock-on effect on the beef and sheep
meat sectors particularly.[106]
70. Farming and land-owning organisations were
concerned about the impacts of full trade liberalisation on British
producers. They argued that imported products often did not meet
the same welfare and environmental protection standards as British
products and were therefore cheaper.[107]
Under the WTO Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures,
governments can regulate trade in agri-food products only on food
safety, plant and animal health grounds and as long as these do
not act as 'disguised trade barriers'.
71. The British Retail Consortium (BRC) claimed
that retailers sourcing products from outside the UK apply similar
standards as would apply if they sourced them from within the
UK.[108] This implies
that price differences arising from variation in production standards
would not reduce the attractiveness of UK products to UK retailers.
However, according to the British Pig Executive, in 2005 an estimated
70% of pork imports would have been illegal to produce in the
UK on the grounds of pig welfare.[109]
72. Farming groups felt that achieving recognition
of production standards, such as animal welfare, carbon footprint
or water usage, was a key part of moving towards fairer trade
and a more sustainable food chain. The AHDB said:
Where there are externalities (or public goods) which
are not currently priced/valued by the market or through regulation/taxation
on a standard basis across the world, UK farmers need to be supported
to compete on an equal footing if we are not to merely export
food production to countries where welfare or environmental standards
are lower.[110]
The Foresight report also recommends that "future
reform of institutions such as the World Trade Organisation cannot
ignore the issues of sustainability and climate change".[111]
While the CLA and NFU shared this aspiration, they felt that progress
within the WTO framework would be slow.[112]
Defra and the RSPB warned that consideration of standards of production
should not become "protectionism by another name".[113]
73. Rather than adding trade barriers, there
is a market-based alternative through better labelling of products
to enable consumers to make informed choices. However, Professor
Swinbank noted that society could not always be relied on to make
the 'right' choices, arguing that "if in the longer run,
with the information, consumers say they do not want to pay higher
prices for animal welfare products, it raises a question about
that animal welfare legislation itself".[114]
The TFA were more blunt, claiming that, "I am afraid
the vast majority of people, despite what we hear and see in the
press, still buy on price".[115]
74. In the interests of fairer
trade in the long-term, the EU should argue more strongly for
recognition of standards of production (for example animal welfare,
use of water, greenhouse gas emissions) within trade agreements.
We believe this is essential in achieving the global shift towards
sustainable intensification recommended by the Foresight Future
of Food and Farming
report.
83 Q 450 Back
84
The Commissioner told us that the CAP would have to continue in
some form if EU citizens continued to expect EU farmers to produce
at higher standards than competing producers in third countries
(Q 173). The Minister argued that there would still need to be
payments to reward farmers for providing public benefits and these
would have to be delivered through a common framework to avoid
competitive distortions between Member States (Q 450). See also
paras 28-31 of this report. Back
85
Ev 171 Back
86
Q 4 Back
87
Uplands Farm Practices Survey, cited in Farming in the Uplands,
Ev 68. Back
88
Q 48 Back
89
Ev 155-156, 158-159. 'Green Box' payments are deemed to be non
trade-distorting, for example, decoupled payments are seen as
'Green Box' because they do not influence farmers' production
decisions. Under the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture there
is no limit on the amount of Green Box support that signatories
can offer. On the other hand, signatories are expect to reduce
their spending on measures that do affect production ('Amber'
Box), such as payments per head of livestock (coupled payments).
Back
90
Cunha and Swinbank, An inside view of the CAP reform process,
2011, p 14. Back
91
Q 131 Back
92
The Future of Food and Farming-Final Project Report, p
40. Forecasts suggest the world population will grow to over 9
billion by 2050; economic growth will allow people in less-developed
countries to demand a more varied and high-quality diet; and there
will be greater competition for land at the same time as the effects
of climate change may reduce area of land suitable for agriculture. Back
93
The Future of Food and Farming-Final Project Report, p
12. Back
94
The Royal Society, Reaping the benefits: Science and the sustainable
intensification of agriculture, October 2009, p 1. Back
95
Foresight, The Future of Food and Farming Action Plan,
January 2011; see also Defra press release 24 January 2011. Back
96
Securing food supplies up to 2050: the challenges faced by
the UK, paras 94, 138. Back
97
HM Government, Food 2030, January 2010. Back
98
"NFU calls for new government food plan", Farmers
Guardian, 15 February 2011. Back
99
"UK farmers' leader attacks government for lack of national
food plan", The Guardian, 15 February 2011. Back
100
Defra have said: Food 2030 usefully set the scene and described
the key issues facing the food chain. The Government are now taking
action to meet their objectives of supporting British farming,
encouraging sustainable food production, and helping to enhance
the competitiveness and resilience of the whole food chain with
the aim of ensuring a secure, environmentally sustainable and
healthy supply of food with improved standards of animal welfare.
(HC Deb, 7 March 2011, col 767W). At the Westminster Food &
Nutrition Forum, Food and drink industry 2011: challenges and
opportunities, 8 March 2011, the Defra representative said
that Ministers had no desire to revisit the themes identified
in Food 2030 (transcript available from www.westminsterforumprojects.co.uk). Back
101
Ev 159; http://ec.europa.eu/trade Back
102
Ev 128; "New WTO modalities paper-a detailed summary",
Agra Europe,12 December 2008. Back
103
"WTO officials pledge new Doha draft by end-March",
Agra Europe, 31 December 2010. Back
104
Mercosur is a South American trading bloc comprising Argentina,
Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. According to the European Commission,
negotiations were re-opened in May 2010 and talks were last held
in Brussels in March 2011. http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2006/december/tradoc_118238.pdf Back
105
AFBI modelled the impact of (1) implementing the Doha trade round
reforms and (2) further reducing import tariffs for agricultural
products to bring them in line with the rest of the economy. Implementing
the Doha round reforms had little effect on cereals and only a
moderate effect (3-6% reduction) on beef, sheep and dairy production
compared to a baseline scenario. Further trade liberalisation
had considerably greater effects on the livestock sector, with
sheep and cow numbers falling by 10% and 20% respectively (Ev
125-150). Back
106
Q 207 Back
107
For example the AHDB (Ev 161), the TFA (Q 50), the CLA (Q 118,
Q 120), the NFU (Q 141) and the Royal Society for the Prevention
of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA) (Ev w5). Back
108
Q 402 Back
109
British Pig Executive, An Analysis of Pork and Pork Products
Imported into the United Kingdom, April 2006. Back
110
Ev 161. Back
111
The Future of Food and Farming-Final Project Report, p
20. Back
112
Q 120, Q 142 Back
113
Q 15, 476 Back
114
Q 245 Back
115
Q 71 Back
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