The UK's foreign policy approach to Afghanistan and Pakistan - Foreign Affairs Committee Contents


Written evidence from Andrew Watt

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

1.  This evidence focuses on the question of the appropriateness, specifically the legality, or otherwise, of the military aspect of UK foreign policy in Afghanistan.

2.  The position expressed in this document is that the UK foreign policy in Afghanistan is highly inappropriate since it involves multiple offences contrary to various sections of the Terrorism Act 2000.

3.  UK foreign policy in Afghanistan since October 2001 has included military action as an essential aspect of that foreign policy.

4.  UK military action in Afghanistan since October 2001 meets the criteria for "terrorism" in UK Law as specified in Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000 (specifically those criteria set out in Subsections 1(1) to 1(4)).

5.  Current and recent UK foreign policy in Afghanistan therefore involves the commission of multiple offences contrary inter alia to sections 15, 16, 56 and 57 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

6.  Such offences have been committed and continue to be committed by UK politicians, military officers, other military personnel and UK civil servants.

7.  UK military action in Afghanistan is unlawful under UK Law (since it inevitably involves the commission of multiple criminal offences contrary to various sections of the Terrorism Act 2000) and has been unlawful on those grounds since military action started in October 2001.

8.  Information about such offences contrary to the Terrorism Act 2000 has been concealed from Parliament and the UK public by UK civil servants and senior military personnel as well as by a number of well-known UK politicians.

9.  UK military personnel have not been informed that, when fighting in Afghanistan, they risk dying as "terrorists", as defined in Section 40 of the Terrorism Act 2000. Nor have they been informed that, in fighting a so-called "War on Terrorism", they themselves are "terrorists" who are carrying out "terrorism" as defined in Section 40 and Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

10.  Some £5 billion of public funds is currently being spent annually on unlawful terrorist activity in Afghanistan.

11.  The Ministry of Defence has not disclosed to Parliament that much of their budget is being spent on "terrorism". Nor did they disclose that during earlier phases of MoD terrorism in Iraq or Afghanistan.

12.  Fund-raising for and funding of "terrorism" are offences contrary to Sections 15 and 16 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

13.  UK politicians, current and recent, and civil servants have concealed from the UK Parliament and public that tax monies are being used to fund "terrorism" (as defined in Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000) in Afghanistan.

14.  UK politicians, civil servants and military personnel have used funds for the purposes of "terrorism" (as defined in the 2000 Act) contrary to Section 16 of the Act.

15.  The expenditure of public funds on terrorism in Afghanistan (and previously in Iraq) may constitute the largest misuse of public funds in UK history.

16.  UK politicians and others have committed offences contrary to Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2006 (note not the 2000 Act) by praising "terrorists" who have carried out acts of terrorism on behalf of the United Kingdom in Afghanistan.

17.  The primary recommendation for action by the UK Government is that all unlawful terrorist activity by individuals acting on behalf of the United Kingdom in Afghanistan cease forthwith and that associated misuse of public funds to fund terrorism also cease forthwith.

18.  A secondary recommendation is that the UK Government promptly institute a comprehensive set of inquiries including Police and Judicial Inquiries to investigate all aspects of the offences committed since October 2001 contrary to the Terrorism Act 2000 and Terrorism Act 2006.

BRIEF PERSONAL BIO

Andrew Watt is the author of the blog "Chilcot's Cheating Us" which examines some of the evidence that UK military action in Iraq from July 2000 involved offences contrary to the Terrorism Act 2000. In addition, he is the author of the blog "Westminster's Cheating Us" which explores some of the issues underlying the loss of public confidence in the integrity of Westminster politicians, including some of the offences mentioned in this document.

Andrew Watt was formerly an academic and a civil servant in the UK.

SUBSTANTIVE EVIDENCE

1.  This evidence focuses on legal questions relating to the military aspects of UK foreign policy in Afghanistan.

2.  It is a matter of public record that UK foreign policy in Afghanistan since October 2001 has included an element of military action, variously labeled as Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Herrick.

3.  The author of this evidence holds the view that such UK military action is (and has been since its inception) "terrorism" as defined in Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

4.  The basis for that assertion is examined in more detail later in this document. In particular, the wording and meaning of Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000 are examined in some detail later in this document.

5.  This evidence does not attempt to address all possible lines of legal argument relating to the multiple criminal offences committed contrary to the Terrorism Act 2000. Nor does it attempt to be exhaustive in identifying all offences contrary to the various sections of the Terrorism Act 2000, nor the categories of people nor individuals who have committed such criminal offences contrary to the Terrorism Act 2000.

6.  My conclusion that UK foreign policy in Afghanistan since October 2001 is unlawful rests on the interpretation of Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

7.  For convenience, the full text of Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000 is reproduced here:

1.—(1) In this Act "terrorism" means the use or threat of action where—

  1. (a)  the action falls within subsection (2),
  2. (b)  the use or threat is designed to influence the government or to intimidate the public or a section of the public, and
  3. (c)  the use or threat is made for the purpose of advancing a political, religious or ideological cause.
  1. (2)  Action falls within this subsection if it—
    1. (a)  involves serious violence against a person,
    2. (b)  involves serious damage to property,
    3. (c)  endangers a person's life, other than that of the person committing the action,
    4. (d)  creates a serious risk to the health or safety of the public or a section of the public, or
    5. (e)  is designed seriously to interfere with or seriously to disrupt an electronic system.
  2. (3)  The use or threat of action falling within subsection (2) which involves the use of firearms or explosives is terrorism whether or not subsection (1)(b) is satisfied.
  3. (4)  In this section—
    1. (a)  "action" includes action outside the United Kingdom,
    2. (b)  a reference to any person or to property is a reference to any person, or to property, wherever situated,
    3. (c)  a reference to the public includes a reference to the public of a country other than the United Kingdom, and
    4. (d)  "the government" means the government of the United Kingdom, of a Part of the United Kingdom or of a country other than the United Kingdom.
  4. (5)  In this Act a reference to action taken for the purposes of terrorism includes a reference to action taken for the benefit of a proscribed organisation.

8.  Section 1 in effect contains two definitions of "terrorism" which I will term the "General Definition" and the "Proscribed Organisation Definition". The latter is defined in section 1(5), is the one on which the media generally focuses but is not relevant to the focus of this evidence and will not be considered further in this document.

9.  UK military action in Afghanistan is "terrorism" in the meaning of the General Definition of "terrorism" set out in Subsections 1(1) to 1(4) of the Terrorism Act 2000.

10.  According to the "General Definition" of terrorism in Section 1 of the Act satisfying the following three criteria is sufficient to constitute "terrorism" in the general case.

  1. (a)  a threat (or action) against person(s) and property - see 1(1)(a) and 1(2).
  2. (b)  the threat or action is designed to influence a government or a section of the public of any locality.
  3. (c)  the threat or action is for a political or ideological purpose.

11.  It is a matter of public record that UK military forces have used firearms and explosives in Afghanistan on many occasions. Therefore, strictly speaking, it is not necessary to satisfy criterion (b) in the preceding paragraph 10 (see subsection 1(3) of the Terrorism Act 2000 as to why that is so).

12.  However, for completeness, I will briefly show that each of the three criteria specified in paragraph 10 of the current document are satisfied and that, therefore, UK military action in Afghanistan is "terrorism" as defined in Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

13.  Criterion (a) is satisfied since it is on public record that the UK military have carried out multiple actions in Afghanistan which have caused (or threatened to cause) serious violence or death to persons and/or serious damage to property.

14.  Criterion (b) is satisfied since the military action was initially targeted to "influence" the then Taliban Government of Afghanistan and has continued to target the subset of the Afghanistan public who are members of the Taliban or sympathetic to the Taliban.

15.  Criterion (c) is satisfied since the armed violence by UK military personnel has been for the purpose of carrying forward the political cause constituted by UK Government policy, as amended from time to time.

16.  I conclude, therefore, that since all three tests are satisfied that UK military action in Afghanistan is "terrorism" as defined in the "General Definition" of "terrorism" laid out in Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

17.  In passing, the Select Committee will wish to note the import of Section 1(4) which shows that actions anywhere in the world against the Government or section of the public of any country is encompassed within the definition of "terrorism". Therefore Afghanistan is within the geographic scope of the definition of "terrorism" in Section 1 of the 2000 Act.

18.  Section 40 of the Terrorism Act 2000 defines who is a "terrorist". For convenience I reproduce the text of Section 40 here:

40.—(1)  In this Part "terrorist" means a person who—

  1. (a)  has committed an offence under any of sections 11, 12, 15 to 18, 54 and 56 to 63, or
  2. (b)  is or has been concerned in the commission, preparation or instigation of acts of terrorism.
  1. (2)  The reference in subsection (1)(b) to a person who has been concerned in the commission, preparation or instigation of acts of terrorism includes a reference to a person who has been, whether before or after the passing of this Act, concerned in the commission, preparation or instigation of acts of terrorism within the meaning given by section 1.

19.  If UK military action in Afghanistan is "terrorism" as defined in Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000 then Subsection 40(b) indicates that those who have "been concerned in the commission, preparation or instigation" of such acts of terrorism are themselves "terrorists".

20.  Consequently, not only are UK military personnel in Afghanistan "terrorists" as defined in Section 40 since they were concerned in the "commission" of acts of terrorism but so are their supporting civil servants and the politicians who "instigated" the acts of terrorism.

21.  It would therefore be correct to view individuals such as the following as being "terrorists" in the meaning of the Terrorism Act 2000:

  1. (a)  Former Prime Minister Tony Blair since he was concerned in the "instigation" of UK military action in Afghanistan in October 2001.
  2. (b)  A large number of UK military personnel who served in Afghanistan since they have been concerned in the "commission" of acts of terrorism in Afghanistan in the period since October 2001.
  3. (c)  A number of UK civil servants, not least in the Ministry of Defence, and others since they were concerned with "preparation" for acts of terrorism in Afghanistan.

22.  The number of individuals who are "terrorists", as defined in Section 40, is huge and detailed characterisation and identification of those "terrorists" is beyond the scope of this evidence.

23.  Section 56 of the Terrorism Act 2000 defines an important type of offence that a number of well-known public figures have committed.

24.  For convenience, I reproduce the text of Section 56 of the Terrorism Act 2000 here:

56.—(1)  A person commits an offence if he directs, at any level, the activities of an organisation which is concerned in the commission of acts of terrorism.

  1. (2)  A person guilty of an offence under this section is liable on conviction on indictment to imprisonment for life.

25.  Anyone who directs an organisation which commits acts of terrorism is guilty of an offence, and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for life.

26.  It is taken as demonstrated, by virtue of earlier examination of the matter in this document, that "acts of terrorism" (in the meaning of Section 56) have taken place in Afghanistan.

27.  Among the individuals who have committed such Section 56 offences, as discussed above, are the following:

  1. (a)  The former Prime Minister Tony Blair who directed, at a political level, UK terrorism in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2007.
  2. (b)  The former Prime Minister Gordon Brown who directed, at a political level, UK terrorism in Afghanistan from 2007 to 2010.
  3. (c)  The current Prime Minister David Cameron who is continuing to direct, at a political level, UK terrorism in Afghanistan (from May 2010).

28.  In passing, I would mention that I wrote some months ago to Gordon Brown (when Prime Minister) and David Cameron (when Leader of the Opposition) drawing their respective attention to UK military action in Afghanistan being terrorism and asking them to take steps to cause such terrorism to cease.

29.  Gordon Brown "noted" my request that the United Kingdom "cease and desist" from acts of terrorism in Afghanistan. David Cameron's reply seemed to indicate that he supported such acts of terrorism, an interpretation confirmed by the Section 56 offences committed by David Cameron since he assumed the office of Prime Minister.

30.  Fund-raising for terrorism and the use of money to fund terrorism are offences as specified in Sections 15 and 16 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

31.  Various UK civil servants and politicians have committed offences contrary to Section 15 and/or 16 of the Terrorism Act 2000.

32.  According to answers given by Gordon Brown to the Chilcot Inquiry some £5 billion per annum is being spent by the UK in Afghanistan to support military action. Given that such action is "terrorism" then some £5 billion per annum of public funds are being spent on terrorism by the UK.

33.  The UK taxpayer has not been informed by the UK Government that tax monies are being used to fund terrorism in Afghanistan.

34.  The Ministry of Defence did not disclose to Parliament that funding used in Afghanistan for military purposes was to be used for the purposes of terrorism as defined in the Terrorism Act 2000. The Ministry of Defence officials and others concerned may be guilty of contempt of Parliament.

35.  The use of public funds for the purposes of terrorism, totaling some £20 billion in Iraq and Afghanistan is likely to be the greatest financial crime in UK history.

36.  On numerous occasions UK politicians have praised British Army terrorists who have died in Afghanistan.

37.  Such statements are contrary to Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2006 which specifies that "encouragement" of terrorism is an offence.

38.  Some such offences have been committed under cover of parliamentary privilege. Others render the offender liable to prosecution and potentially to imprisonment for up to 7 years.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ACTION

1.  The author recommends that the Select Committee asks that the UK Government cease forthwith all activity in Afghanistan that will cause individuals to commit further offences contrary to the Terrorism Act 2000 and that expenditure of public funds for the purposes of terrorism also cease forthwith.

2.  The author recommends that the Select Committee asks that the UK Government institute a comprehensive series of truly independent and thorough inquiries to include Police and Judicial inquiries to investigate all aspects of the criminal offences carried out by UK politicians, military personnel and civil servants in connection with unlawful terrorist activity by the UK in, and related to, Afghanistan.

3.  The author recommends that the Select Committee asks the UK Parliament and its select committees to institute one or more inquiries into how relevant information was withheld from Parliament in its consideration of UK foreign policy in Afghanistan and the parliamentary approval of funding for "terrorism" in Afghanistan by the British Army and other military entities.

4 October 2010



 
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