Policing: Police and Crime Commissioners - Home Affairs Committee Contents


Joint memorandum submitted by Avon and Somerset Police Authority and Avon and Somerset Constabulary

  Avon and Somerset Constabulary is one of the largest forces in England and Wales, policing a population of almost 1.6 million people. The force area covers around 1,855 square miles, taking in virtually every kind of landscape, from city centres, wild moors and busy holiday resorts, to vast commercial and industrial complexes.

Avon and Somerset Police Authority is an independent body of local people appointed to ensure an efficient and effective police service. Our 17 members include nine councillor members, appointed by the local councils and eight independent members who are selected following a dedicated recruitment process.

TERMS OF REFERENCE—OBJECTIVES OF THE INQUIRY

  The impact of directly elected individuals on policing in the 21st Century: Government's proposals and impact on the prevention and reduction of crime and anti-social behaviour and their practical implications. The submission will focus on:

    — Relationship between Chief Constables and elected Police and Crime Commissioners.

    — Defining "operational independence".

    — Extent to which there will still be a need for national targets.

    — Role of Police and Crime Panels.

SUBMISSION

Executive summary

  1.1  This submission from Avon and Somerset Police has been developed on the basis of extensive professional experience, public and stakeholder consultation, recognised principles of good practice, our local assessment of risk and the application of reasoned logic.

  1.2  We identify critical and inherent risks in applying this general governance model to all forces in England and Wales based on the scale of area diversity, the lack of a geographic identity within some force areas and the varied and politically complex government structures that exist within them.

  1.3  We highlight potential for significant tensions between Chief Constables, Policing and Crime Commissioners, Policing and Crime Panels and other governance and scrutiny bodies on account of:

    — Potential for confused and competing agendas and public and practitioner misconceptions regarding their roles and responsibilities as a result of a fractured governance model.

    — An inability of a single commissioner to identify and represent the diversity of Avon and Somerset's urban and rural communities and their diverse needs.

    — Reduced capacity for effective scrutiny and engagement.

    — Potential for politicisation of policing and risk of critical policing areas being overshadowed by populist or single-issue campaigns.

    — The impact of potential governance tensions on strategic and operational delivery and public confidence.

  1.4  We feel that the parameters of operational independence will be determined locally between Chief Constables and Police and Crime Commissioners. We feel that these parameters should be more clearly defined in order to minimise local tensions and risk of misplaced authority. The role of the National Crime Agency and the strong duty on Commissioners to collaborate also compound potential risk of tension relating to the issue of operational independence.

  1.5  Whilst we welcome the Government's emphasis on localism and removing bureaucratic accountability, we do not support a national framework of prescriptive targets. We do however support high level standards of compliance where necessary, appropriate and in the public interest, and the facilitation of tools to enable more effective benchmarking at a local level.

  1.6  Policing and Crime Panels within the proposed framework present a fractured model of accountability with potential for competing agendas between governing bodies and our well established PACT processes. Under current proposals, we do not feel that Panels are afforded sufficient powers to be truly effective in their role and would welcome their enhanced role in community and stakeholder engagement.

  1.7  Our submission also raises significant concerns with regard to cost of delivery and implementation of this revised governance framework, the timescales for implementation, transitional arrangements and the failure to make full use of existing knowledge and expertise in assessment, planning and consultation processes.

Detailed comments

  2.1  This submission details our local concerns and inherent risks in adopting the directly elected commissioner governance model in Avon and Somerset. It is based on extensive professional experience, public and stakeholder consultation, recognised principles of good practice, a local assessment of risk and the application of reasoned logic.

  2.2  As we support the agenda for increased localism and democratic accountability, we highlight the critical inherent risks in applying this untested governance model universally to both major Metropolitan environments and more geographically diverse and politically complex government structures in other areas of the country. Avon and Somerset encompasses large rural geographies (Exmoor), major urban areas (Bristol and Bath) and significant market towns (Taunton, Bridgwater, Yeovil), where population density in Bristol, for example, is 78 times that of West Somerset.[34] By the nature of their geography, these areas do not share the defined sense of local identity that can be found in more Metropolitan Force areas.

  2.3  To meet the needs of our socially and culturally diverse communities, our force area is also subject to complex local government structures comprising one County Council, four Unitary Authorities and 324 county councillors. By contrast, our neighbouring forces, Wiltshire and Gloucestershire are subject to more simplified unitary arrangements comprising only 98 and 62 councillors respectively.

Relationship between the Chief Constable and Policing and Crime Commissioners

  3.1  Through our extensive professional experience of local arrangements and those in other forces, we can attest that the relationship between Chief Constables and their governing bodies can be a delicate one, requiring sensitivity, rationality and clarity of communication. The proposal set out in the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Bill presents a number of critical vulnerabilities to the effectiveness of this relationship.

  3.2  Firstly, the Bill presents a fractured governance model, creating potential for confused and competing agendas between the public, stakeholders, local councillors, Policing and Crime Panels, Police and Crime Commissioners and Chief Constables.

  3.3  Although inherent within the current Police Authority framework, the risk of public or practitioner misconceptions of their respective roles and responsibilities within the proposed governance model are substantially multiplied. This could include, for example, a public misconception that Commissioners are responsible for directing Chief Constables, blurred lines of accountability between Policing and Crime Panels and Chief Constables and unintended compromises to operational accountability.

  3.4  Through work with our communities, we also foresee risk of local tensions and public disenchantment in the proposed governance model resulting from the inability of a single elected individual to represent Avon and Somerset's extremely diverse communities. There is a strong likelihood that the directly elected individual would be elected from Bristol and consequently champion agendas driven from the urbanised perspective. Current Police Authority arrangements incorporate elected representation from all five authorities together and the expertise of independent members. Our public consultation indicates that only 30% of residents feel that a Police and Crime Commissioner will represent and identify their needs, compared to 54% who feel they will not.

  3.5  These risks are compounded by the much documented potential for politicisation of policing, a concern shared by both the APA and ACPO. Policing led by politicised, extremist or populist single-issue campaigns present a significant risk of destabilising relations between Chief Constables and Policing and Crime Commissioners and diverting resources from areas of evidenced risk, threat and need. In all likelihood, candidacy for the position of PCC will be driven primarily by those with party political resource to support their campaigns. Our public consultation indicates overwhelming support for a commissioner being an independent person (72%) as opposed to a politician (12%).

  3.6  We feel that this risk, in particular, could be mitigated by adhering to "principles of good governance" set out in the Governance Standard for Public Services and evidence of good practice in corporate governance models, which ensure "separation of powers and responsibilities between chairman and chief executive" and "collective responsibility for leading, setting values and standards", and thus avoiding the centralisation of power with any one individual.

  3.7  In addition to these points, it is clear that a single elected individual model will reduce local capacity to maintain effective communication between our Force's governing body and its officers and staff, communities, local authorities, Children's Trusts and CSPs. We feel that the value of "soft accountability" that occurs through contact with beat officers, PCSOs and our communities as part of the current Police Authority model should be neither lost nor overlooked. The perceived expectation that members of the public will be able to contact their commissioner and have their issues directly and instantly resolved also raises local concerns given the issues of capacity and complexity detailed above.

  3.8  We urge the inquiry to consider these potential "stress points" within the proposed governance model and any consequential impact on strategic and operational delivery or community and stakeholder perceptions would destabilise public confidence in policing in the longer term.

Defining operational independence

  4.1  Operational independence is not a specific and absolute concept and as such, its parameters have been developed and negotiated over time between our Chief Constable and Police Authority. Our experience suggests that the limits of operational independence under the proposed model would be determined independently within forces based on the relationship between Chief Constables and the Policing and Crime Commissioners. Whilst we welcome local flexibility, we also appreciate the inherent risk of local tensions resulting from misplaced authority or ineffective oversight and scrutiny and would like to see the parameters of operational independence more clearly defined.

  4.2  The proposal, for example, states that Policing and Crime Commissioners will have a "strong duty to collaborate", which may conflict with delivery of an independent localised agenda and raise tensions at a senior level regarding the force's strategic direction and operational independence.

  4.3  The issue is further complicated by the role and remit of the National Crime Agency, which should be more clearly defined, particularly given the assumption that the NCA will be supported by resource and expertise at force level.

  4.4  Other provisions of the Bill are directly open to challenge in terms of the level of operational independence afforded. We question the proposal that enables Chief Constables to appoint their own senior officers, for example, and foresee inherent risks in any appointments system that fails to ensure formal, transparent and accountable procedures.

The need for national targets

  5.1  We welcome the coalition government's emphasis on localism and removing bureaucratic accountability and feel that in this context, any national framework of prescriptive targets would divert our force from delivering its strategic objectives for the area. As indicated in Section 2, few single unifying agendas bridge Avon and Somerset's socially, culturally and geographically diverse communities, and it is unlikely that national targets in this area would meet local need.

  5.2  Although we do not support a framework of prescriptive targets, we recognise the value of high level standards of compliance in areas that are clearly in the public interest. We also feel that our public have a right to know how their force is delivering services efficiently and effectively in comparison to other areas and support the development of tools to improve local benchmarking.

The role of Policing and Crime Panels

  6.1  As noted in Section 3, we feel that Policing and Crime Panels present a fractured model of accountability that create further potential for local tensions within the governance framework. In focusing scrutiny primarily on the Policing and Crime Commissioner, panels risk losing sight of the central objective (ensuring an effective and efficient police service) and expose potential for competing agendas between governing bodies.[35] Locally, there is also a clear risk that the role of PCPs will conflict and duplicate outcomes already being achieved through our well established PACT processes.

  6.2  Current proposals also indicate that Panels will not be afforded sufficient powers to ensure that outcomes of their scrutiny are actioned. Panels will not possess the recommendation powers that currently sit within existing local government structures, for example, whilst any investigatory powers would be designated to the IPCC and ACPO level officers.

  6.3  We see an integral role for Policing and Crime Panels in maintaining levels of community and stakeholder engagement in matters of policing that have been developed via existing Police Authority arrangements. The Authority's 17 members are engaged at LSP, CSP and PACT levels, providing a vital mechanism for identifying and responding to local needs. As representative bodies, Panels will by their very nature have a more balanced perception of community opinion than a single PCC, and we see a stronger role for them in representing the public's views in decision making than that proposed via the Bill.

Logistical Considerations

  7.1  We would like to reiterate concerns regarding the implementation cost of these proposals, which for dedicated elections alone is likely to exceed £1 million locally. We also raise concerns regarding the additional longer-term cost of governance model that simultaneously increases (through duplication) more complex bureaucratic processes.

  7.2  The proposed timescales for implementation, lack of robust evidence-led decision making and lack of clarity with regard to planning and transitional arrangements raise significant local concerns. We foresee a major risk of important expertise and knowledge being lost and governance and accountability arrangements being damaged in the longer term as a result of rushed implementation processes and urge the government to take a pragmatic and carefully considered approach to any transitional arrangements.

  7.3  More specifically, we strongly recommend that current governance arrangements remain in place for the next two budget rounds to minimise tensions with any Policing and Crime Commissioner's election campaign as the Police Authority retain accountability for delivery and planning following the Comprehensive Spending Review. In the short term, we also foresee potential tensions between localist campaign agendas and the responsibility of forces to deliver national policing requirements as we prepare for the 2012 Olympics. We would like assurance that the governance of local policing will not be unduly disrupted during this critical risk period.

  7.4  We also feel that all the planning and consultation processes have focused on how to implement the proposed model as opposed to any detailed assessment of what the most appropriate model should be. In doing so, a wealth of knowledge, expertise and experience has been substantially overlooked.

RECOMMENDATIONS

  8.1  We urge the inquiry to take account of what we feel to be critical risks to policing governance based on the Directly Elected Commissioner model, and consider their potential impact on strategic and operational delivery of policing services and public confidence. More specifically, our recommendations call for:

    8.1.1 Flexibility in governance arrangements at a local level to take account of geographic and demographic diversity, the complexity of existing local governance structures and build upon the enhanced localism agenda that underpins these proposals.

    8.1.2 A pilot or phased approach to implementation across a variety forces ensuring that this untested model is workable, lessons are learnt, good practice is shared and any longer term damage to policing governance and public confidence is minimised.

    8.1.3 More holistic review of local governance arrangements to minimise duplication and conflicting agendas between governing bodies, including PCCs, PCPs, CSPs and local scrutiny and delivery arrangements such as PACT.

    8.1.4 The parameters of "operational independence" and the roles and responsibilities of Police and Crime Commissioners, Police and Crime Panels and the National Crime Agency to be more clearly defined[36] and communicated to the public.

    8.1.5 Measures to enable equality of opportunity in campaigns and candidacy for PCC, and more specific safeguards that minimise the risk of local policing becoming highly politicised or driven purely by populist or single-issue agendas.

    8.1.6 The abolition of prescriptive national targets that do not serve the public interest or reflect local priorities and objectives.

    8.1.7 Enhanced powers for Policing and Crime Panels to ensure that they have the capability and capacity to hold Police and Crime Commissioners to account.

    8.1.8 An enhanced role for Policing and Crime Panels in community and stakeholder engagement to ensure that the current networks and levels of "soft accountability" are maintained.

    8.1.9 The proposal and its implementation to be fully costed and objectively assessed to ensure that reform is necessary, potential benefits outweigh the identified risks and cost and that the revised model of governance can demonstrate improved value for money.

October 2010








34   Bristol has a population density of 38.44 persons per hectare. West Somerset has a density of 0.49. CIPFA Finance and General Estimates Statistics. Back

35   Noting "governance focused on the organisation's purpose" as the primary "principle of good governance" set out in the Governance Standard for Public Services (CPIFA, OPM, Joseph Rowntree Foundation 2004). Back

36   Noting "clearly defined roles and functions" as one of the core "principles of good governance" set out in the Governance Standard for Public Services (CPIFA, OPM, Joseph Rowntree Foundation 2004). Back


 
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