Parliamentary Voting System and Constituencies Bill - Political and Constitutional Reform Committee Contents


Written evidence submitted by George Cooper, Chair, London Branch Association of Electoral Administrators (PVSCB 26)

  I am writing on behalf of the London Branch of the Association of Electoral Administrators (AEA) to commend to you the response of the national Association to requests for evidence on the above Bill.

In addition to endorsing this detailed and important response, we would emphasise two particular points.

  Firstly, the Referendum deriving from the Bill will be the first occasion that the Electoral Commission is service manager, as well as "Watchdog," in a UK poll. It is, thus, an important new test for the Commission. The national AEA's more detailed comments are contained within section 5 of their submission.

  Secondly, the determination of the Bill to achieve equality of electoral constituency size by reference to a 5% margin of difference will make the problems of cross-boundary administration not merely more prevalent, but the norm. Local Government Boundary Reviews have long attempted to use this benchmark and it has meant that their other criteria for boundary delineation, of community identity and strong "physical" boundaries, have been sacrificed for a mathematical purity that does not add to the quality of representation.

  The technical and administrative issues are again set out in detail in section 10 of the AEA submission, but we would very much draw your attention to the comment in 10.6 that "Electoral areas need to function as administrative entities as well as representative ones ... the impact on voters should not be underestimated." This is not a mere self-regarding argument.

  These "cross-boundary" issues are complex not only for administrators but also for electors and, surely, for the representatives who serve them. They may involve liaison across councils for often quite small numbers of electors to ensure, for example, that poll cards are distributed and ballot papers properly collected and transported to the appropriate count. The time taken up in such arrangements on count night attracted much criticism this year in places where they applied.

  In some London (and indeed other) Boroughs, transferring one ward from an oversized to an undersized constituency in pursuit of the 5% rule will merely reverse their status, leading to the need to use Polling Districts as building blocks, itself innately undesirable as Polling Districts are an entirely flexible unit of geography built around a Polling Station for the convenience of voters. They should not be set in set in stone as they might have to be under the 5% proposal.

  Further, to have to deal with an additional set of different County, Borough or Parish Councils, Associations, Companies, Media Organisations and Voluntary organisations "just over the border" for the sake of mathematical purity, is, we submit, even more of a workload burden for Members of Parliament as it is for administrators.

  The 5% benchmark will mean that many more principal area and County—whether historical or administrative—Boundaries will be breached in drawing up new Parliamentary Constituencies, and this includes London. The capital is clearly delineated at present for Parliamentary, European, Mayoral and Assembly elections and the possibility of outer London Boroughs reaching into all the surrounding Counties will surely be vexing for more than just the psephological industry.

  In London especially, electoral equality in Parliamentary Constituencies does not equate to an equality of workload for either the elected or the officials who serve. We serve many thousands of EU electors, and others who are not entitled to register for parliamentary elections, who are still a large part of our community with all the needs that that entails, who will not feature in the calculations.

  Finally, we doubt that either the equality or quality of representation and administration will be benefitted by applying an abstract percentage benchmark in preference to community identity and strong, sometimes historic, boundary considerations. These should still feature strongly in any move to achieve or maintain greater overall equality.

16 September 2010





 
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