The Scotland Bill - Scottish Affairs Committee Contents


Formal Minutes


Tuesday 15 March 2011

Members present:

Mr Ian Davidson, in the Chair
Fiona Bruce

Cathy Jamieson

David Mowat

Fiona O'Donnell

Mr Alan Reid

Lindsay Roy

Dr Eilidh Whiteford

Draft Report (The Scotland Bill), proposed by the Chair, brought up and read.

Draft Report (The Scotland Bill), proposed by Dr Eilidh Whiteford, brought up and read as follows:

1. The UK Government introduced the Scotland Bill in the House of Commons on 30th November 2010 with an accompanying Command Paper, Strengthening Scotland's Future. The Scotland Bill seeks to implement 35 of the 63 recommendations of the Commission on Scottish Devolution (the 'Calman Commission') established by the Scottish Parliament in 2007, and aims to 'enhance the financial accountability of the Parliament and Government in Scotland, improve working arrangements between Westminster and Holyrood Parliaments and Governments, and extend the powers and functions of the Scottish Parliament and Government' (Command Paper, Foreword).

2. While the objectives of further empowering the Scottish Parliament and increasing its accountability are entirely laudable, the Scotland Bill makes only modest progress in the direction of those objectives. In this respect, the passage of the Scotland Bill is a missed opportunity to enhance devolution more significantly by delivering to Scotland the levers to promote economic growth and create employment. In the aftermath of a bruising global recession, when restoring the health of the economy through sustainable growth and job creation ought to be the top priority of Governments, the Scotland Bill ducks the challenge of devolving greater fiscal responsibility to the Scottish Parliament and Government that would equip them with powers to strengthen and improve economic and social policy in Scotland, while significantly enhancing their financial accountability.

3. Provisions in the Scotland Bill are nevertheless to be welcomed as far as they go, and in as much as they can improve governance in Scotland and deliver genuine benefits for its people. A number of witnesses identified this Bill as a step in a process of devolution rather than an end point, echoing the oft-cited observation of former Welsh Secretary of State Ron Davies that 'devolution is a process, not an event'. While there are diverse views in Scotland on the extent, the pace, and the objectives of further devolution, there is an overwhelming consensus on the benefits of improving and strengthening the existing devolution settlement for the good of the country.

4. The principle that the UK Parliament should not normally legislate with regard to devolved matters without the consent of the Scottish Parliament is an important one. In this respect, the timetable of the Scotland Bill has provided less than optimum opportunity for the Scottish Parliament to scrutinise the legislation before its progress in the House of Commons, or to consult adequately with wider civil society in Scotland. In particular, it is regrettable that the first day of Committee Stage debate in the House of Commons took place before the Scottish Parliament had an opportunity to debate its Legislative Consent Motion. The Report of the Scottish Parliament's Scotland Bill Committee and the Minority Report submitted alongside it make numerous suggestions to strengthen the Scotland Bill. It is also regrettable that the UK Government has had such a very short timescale within which to consider and digest these proposals; however, the UK Government is urged to consider those recommendations and table amendments to the Bill in time for its final stages.

5. A motion passed by the Scottish Parliament on 10th March 2011 (Motion S3M-8114) by a vote of 121 to 3 with 1 abstention demonstrates the breadth of cross-party consensus in the Scottish Parliament on the need for a further Legislative Consent Motion before the Bill is given Royal Assent. The views of the next Scottish Parliament should therefore be sought on the amended Bill through a Legislative Consent Motion before it receives Royal Assent.

6. The Committee sought evidence on those recommendations of the Calman Commission not implemented in the Bill; those provisions in the Bill that were not recommended or considered by the Calman Commission; the Bill's fiscal and financial implications for Scotland; further provisions that might be included in the Bill in order to amend or develop the Scotland Act 1998.

7. The Committee's deliberations have centred mainly on the financial provisions of the Scotland Bill, as these have been the focus of considerable public debate and the source of greatest variation in views. However, the non-financial provisions of the Bill are also worthy of attention, and the Committee received numerous written submissions in response to its call for evidence from a wide range of stakeholders and individuals. Particular policy areas where proposals of the Calman Commission for further devolution have been omitted from, or only partially included in the Scotland Bill include a role for the Scottish in welfare benefits policy, marine nature conservation, and in relation to the Crown Estate. It is particularly to be welcomed that this Committee has decided to give further consideration to the problems associated with the operation of the Crown Estate in Scotland in a separate enquiry given the strength of the evidence received as part of this present enquiry.

8. While the Scotland Bill proposes the transfer of a share of income tax, stamp duty land tax and landfill tax to the Scottish Parliament, along with limited borrowing powers, taxes such as Corporation Tax, 'green' taxes, fuel duty, North Sea revenues and excise duties remain reserved. Under the Scotland Bill proposals, Westminster will continue to be responsible for raising eighty five per cent of the public money spent in Scotland. This observation may help put in perspective the extent and limitations of the Bill's proposals for further devolution, highlight the relative fiscal responsibilities of the devolved and reserved institutions, and suggest the relative degree of accountability appropriate to each.

9. Insofar as eighty five per cent of Scottish revenues will continue to flow to the UK Government, the Bill preserves a highly centralised fiscal system. During evidence sessions, witnesses made the Committee aware of a diverse range of advanced economies in Europe and elsewhere where less centralised fiscal arrangements work effectively (in particular see the oral evidence of Professors Keating and Muscatelli, 8th February 2011).

10. In terms of improving accountability for the Scottish Budget, the UK Government's Command Paper estimates that the Scotland Bill's provisions would increase the proportion of the Scottish Budget funded from devolved taxes to around 35%. In its written evidence to the Committee, think tank Reform Scotland took issue with the UK Government's assessment of the proportion of the Scottish Budget that would be funded from devolved taxes should the Bill be enacted. Based on GERS figures for 2008-09 (the latest available) Reform Scotland estimated that the taxation provisions in the Scotland Bill would instead increase the proportion of the Scottish Budget funded from devolved taxes from 11% to around 26%, some 9% lower than the 35% cited by the UK Government. Giving oral evidence on 9th February 2011, Dave Moxham of the STUC indicated that their own calculations accorded closely with those of Reform Scotland. It would appear that the figure of 35% has been drawn directly from the Calman Commission's calculations which are based on the proposals in their own original Report, not on the actual proposals brought forward by the Government in the Scotland Bill which are different in some significant respects. Given that improving the financial accountability of the devolved institutions has been cited as a prime objective of the Scotland Bill, it is regrettable that the UK Government did not undertake robust, independent, and transparent calculations of the Bill's impact. There is no small irony in this omission given the emphasis it places on the importance of financial accountability.

11. The proposals to boost accountability through a partial devolution of income tax have stimulated extensive debate and have proved to be among the most controversial aspect of the Bill's proposals. The Committee heard contrasting views on the extent to which proposals in the Scotland Bill have the potential to embed a long-term deflationary bias within the Scottish Budget. While Fiona Hyslop on behalf of the Scottish Government argued that had the Scotland Bill's proposed model been implemented in 1999 it would have resulted in a cumulative budget shortfall in the region of £8 billion, Secretary of State Michael Moore, using a different baseline, has argued that the shortfall would be lower, at £700 million. Academic economists from whom the Committee took evidence expressed a range of views on 'fiscal drag', from Professors Scott and Hughes-Hallett, who see the deflationary bias as a major flaw, to Professor Gallagher who does not see it as a problem due to Scotland's shared tax base with the rest of the UK and continued dependence on adjustable block grant revenue.

12. In relation to the income tax proposals, the Scottish Government and others have expressed concern regarding the over-reliance on a single tax (in this case, one which has been decreasing as a proportion of public spending over the last forty years) rather than on a basket of taxes. As income tax has grown at a slower rate than public spending across OECD countries in the last four decades, the Scotland Bill potentially introduces risks to the Scottish Budget. These risks could be partially mitigated by access to other economic levers, but the existing proposals of the Scotland Bill offer few such provisions. This problem is compounded by the fact that revenue from higher rate tax bands tends to grow faster than revenue from the basic rate band, yet the Bill devolves half of basic rate income tax revenue, but only a quarter of higher, and a fifth of top rate tax revenues respectively, thereby potentially exposing the Scottish Budget to unnecessary volatility, especially in times of economic downturn. During recession, lower revenue from income tax would be likely to lead to a decline in the Scottish Budget at a time when demands on it would be increasing and there would be merit in increasing public spending to stimulate the economy.

13. The devolution of Corporation Tax has been considered in the written and oral evidence of a number of respondents and witnesses. Although the Calman Commission did not advocate the devolution of Corporation Tax, proponents in business and academic communities, and the Scottish Government argue that it is a useful fiscal lever used successfully in other devolved and federal legislatures around the world that could and should be at the disposal of Scottish Ministers. The UK Government would seem to accept the argument that lower Corporation Tax can be an effective lever to boost economic growth, yet has rejected the devolution of Corporation Tax to the Scottish Parliament at this time. Those who argue in favour of devolving Corporation Tax allude to 'flexibility to have a competitive environment for key sectors' (Fiona Hyslop, oral evidence 1st March 2011) and the ability to help Scottish businesses mitigate some of the structural disadvantages associated with geographical location and distance from markets. Critics of the proposal cite the potential 'cannibalisation' of tax revenue as the key objection (Professor Gallagher). Professor Keating's oral evidence nuanced this debate by highlighting 'huge economic constraints on variation . . .the loss of competitiveness if you put it too high and the loss of revenues if you put it too low. The tax competition is a fact. . . . as we find in other federal countries, [that] there is not a huge amount of variation, but it does give the opportunity for the fine tuning I was talking about earlier on, and the use of that in pursuit of specific industrial policy objectives. If Scotland had its own priorities, it could use the tax power in order to further them.'

14. This debate takes place in the context of lively discussions in other devolved territories about the merits of devolving Corporation Tax, most notably in Northern Ireland. Should Northern Ireland be granted the power to vary Corporation Tax, this would have implications for the Scottish economy, something recognised by the Scotland Bill Committee of the Scottish Parliament who recommended, 'if a scheme to vary Corporation Tax were to be available in some of the devolved countries of the UK as a tool of the UK Government's regional economic policy, it should be available as an option for a Scottish Government to use also.' The Scottish Parliament Scotland Bill Committee also recommended that should there be 'discussions between the Treasury and the devolved administrations about a framework that could see limited Corporation Tax variation become part of a regional development strategy, then it is important that Scotland is at the heart of any such discussions about a future UK framework'. The UK Government should reconsider its decision not to include the devolution of Corporation Tax in the Scotland Bill and instead consider how such provision could be used by the Scottish Parliament and Government to strengthen the Scottish economy, create jobs and boost sustainable growth.

15. Although the Bill is intended to improve the financial accountability of the Scottish Parliament, there is a distinct lack of clarity around the process and mechanisms by which the Scottish block grant will be calculated on implementation of the Bill. The absence of any firm proposals to date for reducing the block grant has prevented the Committee from giving proper scrutiny to this crucial element of the Bill. This omission was noted by a number of witnesses, who highlighted various options for consideration, including drawing on the work of the Holtham Commission in Wales. The Scottish Parliament's Scotland Bill Committee also expressed concerns about this shortcoming in the Bill's proposals. If increased accountability is a desirable goal for the Scottish devolved institutions, it should also be a desirable goal for the UK Government, which, relatively, has greater responsibilities.

16. The Committee has also heard wildly different assessments of the costs associated with implementation of the Scotland Bill, and different assessments of the logistical and technical challenges it poses. While the UK Government estimates that costs of implementing the tax proposals will be in the region of £45 million, others have estimated the costs at over three times as much. More troubling is the prospect of the Scottish Parliament being expected to write a 'blank cheque' whereby the costs, as yet unquantified, will be met through the Scottish Budget should the Bill proceed in its present form, with no guarantee that costs will not be significantly higher than the estimated provisional estimate of £45 million. Sarah Walker of HMRC told the Committee that HMRC 'have reasonable confidence that that is a good estimate of the cost, but it will depend.' In the absence of detailed proposals that can be properly assessed and scrutinised, there is a need for HMRC to develop its plans in a fully transparent way that is accountable to both the Scottish and Westminster Parliaments.

17. The provisions in the Bill devolving Stamp Duty Land Tax and Landfill Tax are to be welcomed, but it is disappointing that the proposals of the Calman Commission to devolve Aggregates Levy and Air Passenger Duty have been dropped. . The Committee received evidence from Professor McLean pointing out that both have 'bases that don't move' and that the Aggregates Levy is complementary to landfill tax. This suggests that it is inconsistent to devolve one and not the other. Moreover, these taxes already operate in a differentiated way in Northern Ireland. Notwithstanding the legal proceedings ongoing in relation to the Aggregates Levy, this should be devolved in line with the Calman Proposals, a move that would not only strengthen financial accountability in Scotland, but also improve environmental accountability.

18. The Committee has also received evidence on and considered the capital and revenue borrowing provisions contained in the Bill, which would allow annual borrowing of up to £200 million in any one year, with a maximum limit of £500 million to finance current expenditure where there are differences between the forecasts and the actualities of Scottish tax revenue under the Bill's income tax proposals. Most of the expert witnesses from whom we took evidence identified these limits as too low in the context of the introduction of the proposed new income tax raising powers, and the attendant increased volatility these are likely to bring. The Scottish Parliament's Scotland Bill Committee also examined this issue, concluding that the powers are 'inadequate' as proposed, recommending that the limit on borrowing be 'set by reference to the capacity of the Scottish Government prudently to finance it from devolved tax revenue.' That Committee also invited 'the UK Government to consider bringing forward these borrowing powers' while recognising the UK Government's wish to constrain borrowing in the present economic climate. The Scottish Parliament's Scotland Bill Committee also considered the issue of bonds, concluding that the ability of the Scottish Government to access the bond markets 'is not a possibility that should be ruled out in statute' and recommending 'that the Bill be amended to permit this, subject, if the UK Government thinks it necessary, to the agreement from HM Treasury to conditions for bond issues'. The Bill should therefore be amended in accordance with these eminently sensible recommendations which will strengthen the proposals in the Bill and enable more effective governance in Scotland.

Motion made, and Question proposed, That the Chair's draft Report be read a second time, paragraph by paragraph. - (The Chair.)

Amendment proposed, to leave out "Chair's draft Report" and insert "draft Report proposed by Dr Eilidh Whiteford". - (Dr Eilidh Whiteford)

Question put, That the Amendment be made.

The Committee divided.

Ayes, 1                Noes 6

Dr Eilidh Whiteford            Fiona Bruce

Cathy Jamieson

David Mowat

Fiona O'Donnell

Mr Alan Reid

Lindsay Roy

Main Question put and agreed to.

Ordered, That the draft Report be read a second time, paragraph by paragraph.

Paragraphs 1 to 164 read and agreed to.

Summary agreed to.

Resolved, That the Report be the Fourth Report of the Committee to the House.

Ordered, That the Chair make the Report to the House.

Written evidence was ordered to be reported to the House for printing with the Report, together with written evidence reported and ordered to be published on 2 and 8 February.

[Adjourned to a day and time to be fixed by the Chair.


 
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