The Scotland Bill - Scottish Affairs Committee Contents


Written evidence submitted by Brian Wilson

CROWN ESTATE COMMISSIONERS

The Crown Estate Commissioners (CEC) administer and collect rents from a wide range of Crown property rights in Scotland including much of the foreshore and the seabed. They are unaccountable to anyone in the areas most affected by their activities—indeed, the assertion of such non-accountability is a remarkable feature of the Crown Estate Act of 1961—and they have for years been the focus of much justified criticism.

The Crown Estate played a crucial role, for example, in the evolution of the aquaculture industry in Scotland by making the initial decision to allocate rights over sea lochs to multinational companies, without consultation with local communities. This action shaped the way the industry developed and largely precluded the possibility of smaller, more locally-controlled companies participating within it. The point is not, however, to muse over the "ifs" and "buts" of Scottish aquaculture but to make the point of principle that it is entirely wrong for an unelected, unaccountable body to have such control over a significant matter of public policy.

Since then, the Crown Estate has made some efforts to improve its consultation procedures; however, this merely ameliorates the source of complaint rather than removing it and there is plenty evidence that the Crown Estate's willingness to consult in any meaningful way ebbs and flows according to the personnel in situ at any given time. What they have never conceded is the RIGHT of affected communities to be involved in such decision-making or to benefit financially even where substantial royalties accrue.

There are numerous examples of how the Crown Estate has exercised its role within matters of economic development in a manner which is controversial and requires to be called to account. However, the most serious and urgent issue at present is the development of offshore renewable energy where there is a real and urgent danger that the interests of coastal communities will be marginalised or ignored. This is not something that should be stitched up between Government departments, either in Whitehall or Edinburgh, without a statutory need to take regard of the community interest.

At present, it is taken for granted that community benefit will flow from land-based renewable energy developments, particularly if the land on which they are built is community-owned (which is the case as far as more than half the land of the Western Isles is concerned). The waters surrounding these islands are touted as the best in Europe for future renewable energy developments. Yet it is perfectly feasible under current arrangements, whereby licensing of the seabed is in the hands of the Crown Estate, will go directly to the most adjacent communities even if these developments are ten or a hundred times the size of what is happening on land. This cannot be right, either in principle or practice.

Since the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, virtually all of the planning and environmental regulation of Crown property rights has been devolved. In addition, the property rights themselves are devolved and a wide range of Crown property rights are also already administered by the Scottish Government.

I have argued for many years that control of these resources should be in the hands of those whose livelihoods and community interests depend upon them. In this context, that means Local Authorities and local communities.

However, the unelected Crown Estate Commissioners stand in the way of such local decision-making and potential benefit by acting as gatekeepers and guardians to the Crown Estate. The Scotland Bill provides a rare legislative opportunity to take the first step in reforming the way the Crown Estate is administered by passing the responsibilities of the CEC to the Scottish Parliament. A debate can then be had as to how best to devolve these powers to local communities. For my own part, I should make clear that the objective should not be for devolution of these powers—or the revenues associated with them—to stop in Edinburgh, and I very much hope that if the Committee endorses the general sentiments of this submission, it should also be quite specific on that point. It is the proper recognition of coastal communities' role and interests that should be the objective; not the swelling of Holyrood's centralised coffers.

The Calman Commission made two recommendations for reform concerning a Scottish Crown Estate Commissioner and the exercise of the power of direction. Only one of these—the appointment of a Scottish Commissioner—is dealt with in the Bill. This is a wholly unsatisfactory solution—or avoidance of a solution—to a long standing issue and I would urge the Committee to consider ending the involvement of the CEC in the administration of Scotland's public Crown lands and in collecting the revenue that flows from them.

I therefore suggest that an amendment be considered either to the Crown Estate Act 1961 (to the effect that it does not apply to Scotland) in Section 18 of the Bill or to the Scotland Act 1998 to remove the reserved powers over the management of the Crown Estate contained in Schedule 5 paragraphs 2(3) and 3(3)(a).

January 2011


 
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