Financial Regulation: a preliminary consideration of the Government's proposals - Treasury Contents


8  Responsibilities in times of crisis?

173. The Government intends to make the regulatory system more robust. However, no system can eliminate all risks, and the new arrangements need to be clear about responsibility in a time of crisis. As the previous Treasury Committee explored in its report on The Run on the Rock, the previous arrangements resulted in regulatory 'underlap' and lack of clarity about who was in charge in crisis. There is a consensus that, in normal circumstances, regulation is best conducted independently of government, within a framework set up by government and Parliament. In times of crisis, however, when decisions have to be taken quickly, and public money may need to be spent, democratic legitimacy is vital.

174. The Government has developed a new crisis management framework which assigns particular responsibility to the Treasury and the Bank of England from 'peacetime', to 'emerging risks' and finally 'crisis management' mode. The split in responsibility is described in figure 2 below.

175. The consultation notes:

Currently, the Chancellor of the Exchequer is accountable to Parliament for decisions involving the use of public funds, for compliance with the UK's international obligations, and for the exercise of certain powers, including the power to transfer a bank or a bank holding company into temporary public ownership and the power to amend the law to enable a power under the regime to be used effectively. The Bank is the lead resolution authority, responsible for the bridge bank and private sector purchaser stabilisation options.

6.23 It is important to ensure that appropriate safeguards are in place to ensure that conflicts do not arise between the Bank's role as lead resolution authority and the Bank's new responsibilities in relation to the PRA, which will be responsible for pulling the trigger to put a failed institution into the SRR [Special Resolution Regime]. The Government will therefore put in place arrangements to ensure that contingency planning and resolutions are managed distinctly from the Bank's functions in relation to the PRA. Specifically, resolution will be managed by the Deputy Governor for financial stability, and not the Deputy Governor for prudential regulation (the CEO of the PRA).[157]

176. In his speech on 13 December, Mr Sants suggested that the authorities involved will co-operate closely:

There will need to be a strong underlying cooperation between the PRA, the FPC, the Special Resolution Unit and the rest of the Bank.

When supervising firms, in order to decrease the probability of failure and ensure orderly resolution, our goal is to introduce a formal, proactive intervention framework for the PRA and the Special Resolution Unit so that concerns about individual firms are elevated and remedial actions taken at an early stage. The framework will have two purposes—firstly, it will require firms to take appropriate remedial action to reduce the probability of failure. Secondly, it will flag the need for actions to be taken by the authorities so that the failure or resolution of a firm can occur in an orderly manner with minimum disruption and cost to the financial system and to individual customers.[158]

177. Insofar as functions can be divided, the Bank of England will be responsible for the design and execution of most regulatory policies and the resolution regime, the PRA will decide whether to put an institution into resolution, while the Treasury will have the control of any use of public funds. The Governor will report to the Chancellor on financial stability every six months as a matter of routine. As soon as taxpayers' money may be required, the Governor will be under an obligation to notify the Chancellor to give him/her sufficient time to consider and discuss all options. The Chancellor will have the final say on whether public funds should be deployed to maintain financial stability. The Financial Secretary told us:

I think we have moved from a situation where there's lack of clarity about who is responsible under the previous architecture to one, I think, where there is much greater clarity because it is the PRA that will be responsible for prudential supervision of an institution. It will be responsible for pulling the trigger for the special resolution regime. The Bank of England is responsible for determining which of those tools is appropriate-whether it is a bridge bank, or whether there is a sale to the private sector-but where public money is used in the resolution, ultimately the Chancellor will have to decide whether or not to use public money to do that.[159]

178. The Governor told us that this new arrangement would keep the Chancellor informed on financial stability issues and the risks of using public funds:

Part of the new framework is a very clear statutory obligation on the Governor to keep the Chancellor informed about any developments that might have implications for the use of public funds precisely so that we should avoid the position, which I gather distant memories can recall, but none of us can, when there were situations when a chancellor felt he was asked to commit public funds, but had no opportunity to influence the course of events that led to that.[160]

179. No one can predict what form the next crisis will take. It is therefore essential that a well-defined crisis management plan is in place to minimise the disruptions caused by financial instability, and ultimately the pain suffered by the public purse. We have some doubts about a system in which one authority decides whether or not to put an institution into resolution, another related institution decides what form that such a resolution arrangement should take and a third is responsible for the decision to use public funds. We also note that the decision to allow an individual firm to fail might contribute to a systemic loss in confidence.

180. One aim of the reforms should be to increase the likelihood that individual companies can be resolved without recourse to public money, and without threatening the stability of the wider system. Firm collapse should not be conflated with financial crisis, and the resolution of individual firms should not normally be a matter for the Government. It may be there are occasions when the Government is approached with a request to provide funds to help resolve an individual institution where the decision is relatively straightforward. The problems come when public funds may be required to secure system stability—and in identifying the cases in which systemic risk is involved.

181. We accept that the Governor will keep the Chancellor up-to-date with developments in the markets which may have an impact on financial stability. However, if a systemic crisis occurs which the Bank considers public money is required to resolve, it is hard to see how the Government could assess such a request while remaining at arm's length from the process. As we have seen recently, rescuing the financial system may have significant effects on public finances. Only a democratically elected Government should make such decisions. It will bear the responsibility for any errors; it must have the information and freedom it needs to choose its position. In times of crisis, it has to be the Government that is in charge. Once it appears likely that intervention beyond a single firm is necessary, and where public funds are put at risk the authorities should take decisions together, led by Treasury Ministers, and where appropriate, the Chancellor, chairing any crisis management meetings.

VETO POWER?

182. When the Bank of England was given independent control of monetary policy in 1997, the Treasury retained the power to take over monetary policy by giving the Bank directions if it was deemed to be in the public interest to do so, mainly because of extreme economic circumstances. The Bank of England Act 1998 gave the Treasury the following Reserve Power:

(1) The Treasury, after consultation with the Governor of the Bank, may by order give the Bank directions with respect to monetary policy if they are satisfied that the directions are required in the public interest and by extreme economic circumstances.

(2) An order under this section may include such consequential modifications of the provisions of this Part relating to the Monetary Policy Committee as the Treasury think fit.

(3) A statutory instrument containing an order under this section shall be laid before Parliament after being made.

(4) Unless an order under this section is approved by resolution of each House of Parliament before the end of the period of 28 days beginning with the day on which it is made, it shall cease to have effect at the end of that period.

(5) In reckoning the period of 28 days for the purposes of subsection (4), no account shall be taken of any time during which Parliament is dissolved or prorogued or during which either House is adjourned for more than 4 days.

(6) An order under this section which does not cease to have effect before the end of the period of 3 months beginning with the day on which it is made shall cease to have effect at the end of that period.[161]

183. The boundary between 'emerging risks' and 'crisis mode' is often unclear. As we saw in the banking crisis, major financial institutions, such as RBS and HBOS, had to be rescued over a short time frame, such as a weekend. There has to be some mechanism that will allow the Government to intervene if, in its view, a crisis is developing, and other authorities are unwilling to act.

184. Despite granting the Bank of England independence in monetary policy, the Treasury retains an emergency power to give the Bank directions in setting monetary policies, when it considers it is in the public interest to do so and under extreme economic circumstances. A similar 'reserve power' should be given in the new legislation. It is important that the Government retains the power to take control over actions for which it will ultimately be held responsible whilst recognising that the use of such draconian powers would be an extreme step and would prejudice the perceived independence of the regulatory institutions.


157   Cm 7874, paras 6.22-6.23 Back

158   Reforming regulatory practice: progress to date Back

159   Q 835 Back

160   Q 1 Back

161   Bank of England Act 1998 S.19 Back


 
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