Financial Regulation: a preliminary consideration of the Government's proposals - Treasury Contents


Supplementary Written evidence submitted by Professor Charles Goodhart

  At the Treasury Committee hearing the Chairman asked me to expand on two issues. These are whether either Basel I or II ever achieved anything positive, and my views on CoCos, Conditional Contingent Capital, and Bail-in proposals. If I may, I will add a third brief comment on the coordination problem of reforming remuneration.

BASEL I AND II

  The main purpose of Basel I was to reduce the, previously quite rapid, drift down in bank capital ratios. In this it succeeded, and a time-series chart of such ratios show that the downwards trend halted in 1988-91, (the transition period). This success, however, was partially, perhaps largely, later vitiated by banks' ability to replace core equity by various kinds of hybrid, and less loss-absorbing, capital instruments, so that core equity, by 2007, was often in many banks not more than 2% of total assets.

  The main purpose of Basel II was to make regulatory capital more sensitive to risk. While it had some success, it failed overall both because risk was poorly assessed by both bankers and regulators, and because risk always appears to decline in booms (asset bubbles) and to increase in busts. In conjunction with the greater use of "mark-to-market" accounting, this made the whole regulatory system far more procyclical, almost a "Doomsday machine".

COCOS AND BAIL-INS FOR FAILING BANKS

  I attach my article (Central Banking, August 2010) on CoCos.

  The "bail-in" proposal is somewhat similar. Assume that Bank A has a loss, too big for its equity shareholders to absorb. The idea is that the regulator should then, starting with the most junior creditor, forcibly require such (subordinated) bonds be transformed into equity, until the bank is sufficiently well endowed with new equity to carry on as a continuing entity. There is no bankruptcy, nor cost to taxpayers. The previous shareholders are diluted into oblivion, and the "hit" to bondholders varies according to the scale of loss, but could be large, especially for the most junior.

  If only one bank was in trouble (an idiosyncratic shock), this would be wonderful, the way to go. The problem is that, with a systemic shock, all banks are, more or less, in difficulties. The shock to the bond holders of the failing bank would be transmitted to the bond market and bond prices of all other banks. No bank would then be able to raise new bond (or equity) finance to recapitalise themselves. Thus in the recent crisis, to facilitate raising new long term capital, governments have felt forced to guarantee all bonds.

  If a bail-in system was to be used, whenever a crisis struck, governments would have to accompany losses to existing creditors with guarantees for "new-money" creditors, resulting in a complex mixture of both guaranteed and non-guaranteed debt. Such non-guaranteed debt would be subject to equity-style downside risk with no upside countervailing option value. So if we were to move explicitly to a bail-in system, the cost, or interest rate, that would be required on such non-guaranteed debt would, almost certainly, rise very sharply.

  Overall it would just seem simpler, and just as efficacious, to require much higher holdings of equity capital.

REFORMING REMUNERATION

  There is a major coordination problem. One bank, trying to cut back on bonuses, etc, would lose all their top traders to other banks, as D Maughan found when he tried this at Salomons.

  Similarly one country trying to do so would lose all its top banks/bankers to other countries.

  It would be extremely difficult to get effective international agreement on this subject, partly because it is so politically sensitive, with different countries having differing positions, and partly because being the stand-out bank/country paying more than the rest would be so advantageous.

  So nothing can/will be done.

15 September 2010





 
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