Financial Regulation: a preliminary consideration of the Government's proposals - Treasury Contents


Supplementary Written evidence submitted by the Association of Independent Financial Advisers

  Following AIFA's oral evidence session to the Treasury Committee on 12 October, I am pleased to enclose further Written evidence addressing the issues raised by your members.

  In addition, I believe it is appropriate to cover two areas.

  Firstly, the assertion that the AIFA comments might be muted by "the long shadow of the FSA". In operating as a core part of the consultation process employed by the FSA to agree new regulation, AIFA has always adopted an approach of trying to achieve consensus, work to develop win/win solutions and be clear about the risk and outcome desired. In doing this we have found that a consultative approach based on listening ,understanding and providing positive feedback and engagement has worked best. When we have disengaged, become confrontational and "shouted" we have rarely won the hearts and minds of the FSA decision makers, as we have no "power".

  It is this desire to work with and collaborate, as we should have the common agenda of delivering better consumer outcomes, that restricts our desire and ability to criticise. As we work closely together with the FSA on a range of issues it risks being "personal". Hopefully the direct answers on both the RDR fiasco and grandfathering indicate that we are not afraid to state our case, but careful in our language to avoid offence. We work within the shadow as they have the ultimate decision making ability, without the trade bodies having any right of appeal.

  Indeed in the area of grand-fathering the ultimate authority vests not even with the FSA, but with the awarding bodies. These are entities such as CII or IfS who undertake the examinations and agree the "Continuous Professional Development" schemes and "gap-fill" rules. It is their failure to have operated satisfactory CPD schemes for those with historic qualifications that brings us to the world today. That we cannot just apply new exam standards to new entrants and are able to evidence that existing advisers are at the right standard. It is these awarding bodies choice to enforce examinations and not adopt a CPD in-fill approach.

  Finally, it is important to note that we represent a broad church, with many of our members believing that competence should be assessed to level 6, and AIFA was successful in reducing this to level 4. This was to avoid an even larger loss of available consumer advice. On the other wing there are those who consider that they should never be assessed by examination and that their record as advisers speaks for itself. This is as damaging in our view, as a base level of demonstrable competence has to be the foundation of any trade or industry.

  I hope you find that our Written evidence addresses some of the Committee's concerns in more detail.

WRITTEN EVIDENCE

About AIFA

  The Association of Independent Financial Advisers (AIFA) is the representative body for the IFA profession. There are approximately 16,000 adviser firms that employ 128,000 people, and turnover is estimated at £6.5 billion (including £4.5 billion from life policies, £1 billion from fund management and £1 billion from mortgages and general insurance). Around 20% of the UK population regularly use an IFA, with c45% consulting one from time to time.

  Membership is voluntary and on a corporate basis. IFAs currently account for around 70% of all financial services transactions in the UK (measured by value). As such, IFAs represent a leading force in the maintenance of a competitive and dynamic retail financial services market.

About IFAs

  In every year for the last five, consumer trust and confidence in the IFA profession has grown. Research by Nottingham University shows that IFAs are the most trusted part of retail financial services (by a considerable margin) and that, in the midst of the banking crisis demand for independent advice increased—and the level of confidence in IFAs increased.

  IFAs are regularly cited as offering low-cost barriers to entry into new markets, and the European Commission last year commented positively on the role of intermediaries as a force for driving competition (to the advantage of consumers) in financial services.

  The UK has experienced the worst banking crisis in a century. The financial services industry has emerged with a tarred reputation from this period: yet no IFA firm posed a systemic risk, or contributed to the failures in this turmoil.

  IFAs will be regulated by the CPMA under the proposed structure. However, clearly the decisions made by the FPC will impact IFAs, and a number of IFA firms in AIFA's membership are part of a wider banking, insurance or mutual group and therefore will form part of a group regulated by the PRA. In our response we have focused predominantly on the CPMA, as this is the area with most interaction with members and consumers, but we have also addressed the necessary interaction between the three regulatory bodies.

1.  EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  Regulatory intervention has become the hallmark of the retail financial services market given the significant importance it has to individuals. However while AIFA welcomes the need for regulation as a means of making the market safer for consumers, we are also adamant that it must improve its effectiveness, and make absolutely clear its purpose. Constant regulatory flux deters financial investment in firms and weakens consumer trust in the sector. In some cases the implementation of the regulatory system actually threatens to undermine the existence of the market as a viable entity, restricting the ability of consumers to obtain the products and services that they need.

  For the future, we have therefore identified six high-level principles that we believe should apply to the governance of regulation.

  First and foremost we believe regulation must enable better outcomes for more consumers. This means regulation must not only protect consumers from unscrupulous market participants, but also facilitate more access to advice for consumers, particularly at this stage in the economic cycle. But there is evidence to suggest that in recent years, UK regulatory practice has failed the consumer in a number of ways. The number of people saving has fallen dramatically, the cost of advice has risen, consumer confidence and trust have been damaged, and many of FSA's efforts to promote public awareness through information and disclosure overload have been ineffective.

  The new regulator therefore needs to address the wider public policy agenda in order to help consumers re-engage with their long term financial well-being and making more, and better, provision for themselves. This should involve closing the savings and protection gap as a statutory objective of the CPMA. We also need to see consumers take on increased responsibility for their own financial future, as this will ultimately help yield the optimum outcomes for them.

  However there is little evidence that the majority of consumers—even sophisticated consumers—wish to be educated about the intricacies of financial products and services. On the other hand there is a lot of anecdotal evidence that people want help in dealing with their financial issues which is why financial advice has emerged over the last few decades as an important component of the market. The CPMA must therefore act in a way which increases consumer access to real advice, rather than limit the supply of it through excessive regulatory burdens.

  Secondly, we believe it is essential that regulation has the appropriate checks and balances in place to ensure accountability. In the past the system of accountability for the regulator has relied too heavily on internal self-assessment, with the result that there were no effective checks and balances in places. Any future regulator should therefore be held far more tightly accountable to the delivery of their objectives in the most efficient and cost-effective way. We believe that the necessary degree of rigour can only be achieved by an independent body, external to the regulator.

  This principle is derived from the single most important lesson learned from the history of regulation. There is no reason to believe that initial objectives, no matter how well-intentioned and well-articulated, will be achieved when a new system is established—unless there is a rigorous process in place to keep it aligned to those objectives.

  We therefore see a greater role for the National Audit Office (NAO) and Public Accounts Committee in reviewing the new regulatory structures, the continuation of the Regulatory Decisions Committee (RDC), the continuation and strengthening of the three "consultative panels" including new statutory footing for the Small Business Practitioner Panel as well as a wider role for the Treasury Select Committee.

  Thirdly, we believe regulation must work in a proportionate and risk based way, focusing on those aspects of the financial services industry that pose the greatest risk.However this has certainly not been the case under the FSA who, in order to avoid criticism, have tended to pursue actions they viewed as bomb-proof, and cascaded them to adjacent markets. The result of this approach has been that IFA firms, who pose no systemic risk to the economy, and are working in the best interests of their clients, have been at the receiving end of FSA's intrusive supervision to a far greater extent than large banking institutions at the other end of the "risk" scale.

  In fact it is our view that well-managed firms, which treat their customers fairly, should be given regulatory incentives for doing so, in order to incite positive behaviour. It would be these good firms that would benefit from regulatory change. Regulatory dividends, whether based on fees, capital requirements or supervision, would provide a clear demonstration of a regulator that wishes to work with the sector to bring about consumer benefit—and this would be welcomed by all participants.

  Fourthly, we believe regulation must change less, with fewer "new ideas" and more consistency of delivery. Although the history of regulation under FSA has been relatively short, there have already been a considerable number of waves of different requirements with the result that a degree of regulatory fatigue has set in. The costs of coping with FSA regulation keep rising, and the combined effect of this and fatigue is to drive members of the market out—to the detriment of consumers.

  Our members also report that the messages they receive from different parts of the regulator are inconsistent. The Policy division is often seen as open, receptive and understanding about the real issues of operating in the marketplace, while Supervisors are left to stick to the rules in their own way. Enforcement, while necessary, can become unnecessarily and excessively aggressive in an environment where the regulator is investigator, judge and jury.

  At this stage a radical change of direction, or complete rewrite of the rulebook, would be both unwelcome and counterproductive. However we do believe that there is considerable scope for improvement in how regulation is implemented.

  Looking forward to the new regulatory structure it is essential there is close and continuous co-operation between the newly formed statutory bodies to ensure consistency of delivery. Each of these bodies should formally benefit from each other's objectives as specified secondary objectives, with the establishment of a college of supervisors to ensure cross-body cooperation, coordination and control.

  There also needs be a higher standard of staff across the system as well as far more joined up working from the policy, supervision and enforcement teams. Remuneration also has a role to play here, and we recommend any financial rewards for staff should be based on long-term outcomes, just as has been proposed for the financial services industry which they regulate.

  Fifthly, it is essential that the regulator use its resources in the most cost effective and economic way, in order to deliver the best possible value for money for both the industry and ultimately consumers. By definition, consumers will not be able to obtain the products and services they need if the provision of those services is eliminated or made expensive by the actions of the regulators. Yet that is exactly what has been happening under FSA.

  IFA firms bear a disproportionate brunt of the rising fees, especially considering they pose little or no systemic risk to the economy, are the lowest causes of complaints to the Financial Ombudsman service, and are consistently found to be the most trusted part of the financial services sector. It is also worth pointing out that the true cost of regulation to all of these firms currently increases with experience—the lack of a long stop for the industry means that businesses, especially the smaller ones, have the burden of making provision within their accounts for the increasing risk of complaints as well as the proposed increases to Capital-adequacy provisions.

  In order to ensure cost effectiveness there must always be an identifiable market failure, and a cost/benefit analysis undertaken, before regulatory action is considered. We also believe CPMA's policy in setting fees should be risk-based, and use the tools at their disposal to reward firms that invest in their business and its people.

  The sixth and final high-level principle is that regulation must take fully into account the European dynamic at play. Increasing amounts of financial regulation are now emanating from Europe, and it is therefore crucial that the UK is best placed to achieve positive engagement on the continent in the coming years and ensure we remain a leading player, for the benefit of consumers. We also feel there is potentially much to be lost at a European level in the near future, as highlighted by Sharon Bowles' recent letter to Vince Cable, further highlighting the need for UK regulators to be fully cognisant of the European dynamic at play in the market.

  These six principles run the risk of looking so obvious that they could easily be dismissed out of hand. But the point is that no matter how the principles are espoused: in practice, they have not been delivered—and that is what needs to be fixed by the new regulatory structure. The success or failure of regulation in the future needs to be capable of being measured against these yardsticks.

2.  INTRODUCTION

  AIFA clearly recognises the important role that regulation plays in making the retail financial services market a safer place for consumers, and a place in which they can have trust and confidence. We are therefore fully in favour of cost effective, proportionate regulation which builds on that which already works.

  To achieve this, AIFA welcomes the current debate on the purpose of regulation, and hopes that a revised regulatory structure, and the supervision within that structure, will result in better consumer outcomes.

  We believe the opportunity to develop a regulatory regime, which facilitates the provision of independent, impartial advice to consumers, is vital. The need for access to advice is currently magnified by the increased need for people to save for a longer retirement, against a background of decline in company pensions—and state benefits that are becoming less and less affordable.

  At a time where consumer responsibility and the need for self-provision are so high on the political agenda, AIFA therefore feels it is appropriate that the overriding purpose of regulation is to encourage better access to more consumers, thus leading to better outcomes.

  With a new government which intends to reform and improve financial regulation in the UK, this is a good opportunity to step back and ask some key questions:

    — How can regulation most effectively promote and protect the interests of consumers?

    — Knowing what we know now, how do we need to adjust the way that regulation works so that it has the best chance of meeting this objective?

  In this paper we intend to propose the high level principles that are essential for good regulation, how FSA has failed in these principles in the past, and how they should best work with the newly proposed structure.

3.  HIGH LEVEL PRINCIPLES OF GOOD REGULATION

  While AIFA welcomes the need for regulation, we also strongly believe that it must improve its effectiveness, and make absolutely clear its purpose. Constant regulatory flux deters financial investment in firms and weakens consumer trust in the sector. In some cases the implementation of the regulatory system actually threatens to undermine the existence of the market as a viable entity, restricting the ability of consumers to obtain the products and services that they need.

  For the future, we have therefore identified six high-level principles that we believe should apply to the governance of regulation.

    (a) Enables better outcomes for more consumers.

    (b) Has the appropriate checks and balances in place to ensure accountability.

    (c) Works in a proportionate and risk-based way.

    (d) Changes less, with fewer "new ideas" and more consistency of delivery.

    (e) Is cost effective.

    (f) Takes into account the European dynamic at play.

  These principles run the risk of looking so obvious that they could easily be dismissed out of hand.

  But the point is that no matter how the principles are espoused: in practice, they have not been delivered—and that is what needs to be fixed by the new regulatory structure. In the absence of a strong and independent sanity check, all organisations tend towards self-preservation and self-justification, irrespective of the motivations of their founders. Regulation as operated by FSA is no different.

  So the significance of these principles is that they need to be delivered. The success or failure of regulation in the future needs to be capable of being measured against these yardsticks.

 (a)   Regulation must enable better outcomes for more consumers

  We believe in duality of regulation when it comes to consumers—not only must it protect them from unscrupulous market participants, but regulation must also facilitate more access to advice for consumers, particularly at this stage in the economic cycle.

  But there is evidence to suggest that in recent years, UK regulatory practice has failed the consumer in a number of ways.

    — It is has resulted in the number of people saving and investing to improve their financial future falling dramatically—complexity and rising regulatory costs under FSA have increased barriers to the supply of savings products. Meanwhile it has been far easier for consumers to obtain debt, due to relatively lax legislation in this area. Regulation has also increased the cost of advice, meaning large numbers of mid and low earners are effectively excluded from financial advice, since its provision has become uneconomic—without this advice people are more prone to get into debt than they are to save for their future.

    — It has damaged consumer confidence in the financial system—since inception FSA has seen its primary role transform into "stopping bad things happening", which has had unhelpful consequences for the market. When working primarily from a definition of "bad", "good" has tended not to get promoted. FSA's public pronouncements have also tended to be about what's bad in the market: regulatory interventions, fines, criminal prosecutions—and even speeches (the infamous "be very afraid" speech by Hector Sants). By the time a consumer actually engages in the financial services market, all the procedures that have to be gone through, including large amounts of mandatory documentation, communicates one clear and consistent message: "this is a dangerous market". So although the purpose is to protect the consumer, the overriding focus on bad practice has given consumers a distorted impression of the market and reduced their confidence.

    — Many of its efforts to promote public awareness have been ineffective—FSA's awareness objective was somehow converted into an overall drive towards giving consumers as much information as possible through lengthy disclosure documents. However there is little evidence that the majority of consumers—even sophisticated consumers—wish to be educated about the intricacies of financial products and services. And the actual effect of information overload is to produce less transparency and lower awareness because the consumer simply doesn't read it. Indeed FSA's own research into Financial Capability entitled "A Behavioural Economics Perspective" confirms that attempts to improve knowledge may not necessarily lead to better outcomes and "what people choose to know and what they do with their knowledge may primarily depend on their intrinsic psychological attributes". Consumers can therefore be given all the financial information in the world but if they do not trust the information or the person giving it to them, then the information is ultimately pointless. Hence whilst information is an important building block, "advice" is the essential "ingredient X" that makes all the difference. Because the information is delivered by a trusted source, the IFA, people have confidence to act on it. That is why financial advice has emerged over the last few decades as an important component of the market and as a useful behavioural "nudge" to push consumers in the right financial direction.

The new landscape

  Given the current state of the UK market, the new regulator needs to address the wider public policy agenda in order to help consumers re-engage with their long term financial well-being and making more, and better, provision for themselves.

  We need to see the next decade become focused on the "enfranchisement of savings" and a return to thrift and prudence—but regulation has a role to play in facilitating this journey. We also need to see consumers take on increased responsibility for their own financial future, as this will ultimately help yield the optimum outcomes for them.

  We call for:

    — CPMA to address the wider public policy agenda in terms of helping consumers re-engage with their long term financial well-being and making more, and better, provision for themselves.

    — an additional statutory objective for the CPMA of restoring a savings culture to the UK.

    — consumers to take on increased responsibility for their own financial future, as this will ultimately help yield the optimum outcomes for them.

    — CPMA to increase access to financial advice for consumers.

    — the new regime to make absolutely clear to consumers whether they are receiving truly independent advice or merely being sold a product.

    — the introduction of a 15 year long stop to bring financial services into line with the Statute of Limitations.

 (b)   Regulation must have appropriate checks and balances in place to ensure accountability

  In the past the system of accountability for the regulator has relied too heavily on internal self-assessment, with the result that there were no effective checks and balances in places.

  Any future regulator should therefore be held far more tightly accountable to the delivery of their objectives in the most efficient and cost-effective way. We believe that the necessary degree of rigour can only be achieved by an independent body, external to the regulator.

  This principle is derived from the single most important lesson learned from the history of regulation. There is no reason to believe that initial objectives, no matter how well-intentioned and well-articulated, will be achieved when a new system is established—unless there is a rigorous process in place to keep it aligned to those objectives.

  There must also be a relationship of "legitimate expectation" between the regulator and regulated—this is when the principles of fairness and reasonableness are applied where a regulated firm has an expectation or interest in the regulator retaining a long-standing practice or keeping a promise.

  Payment Protection Insurance (PPI) is a case in point. Whilst there is a clear an demonstrable issue from the consumer perspective, the regulator has not performed well as they have been retrospectively influenced by the actions of the Competition Commission and the Financial Ombudsman Service. Whilst issues surrounding PPI were well-known to everyone in the market, including the FSA, we saw little direct action taken. For the FSA to later turn around and attempt to retrospectively punish firms for carrying out the regulated activity which the FSA had itself permitted, reviewed and in some cases approved, is a breach of this legitimate expectation.

  Further, when it comes to Judicial Reviews, we believe it should be the Treasury that bears the cost of action rather than forcing the industry to effectively pay twice, when they may well have a legitimate case against the regulator.

The new landscape

  We call for:

    — any future regulator to be held far more tightly accountable to the delivery of their objectives in the most efficient and cost-effective way;

    — a greater role for the National Audit Office (NAO) and Public Accounts Committee in reviewing the new regulatory structures;

    — a wider role for the Treasury Select Committee to play in scrutinising the entire regulatory architecture;

    — the continuation and strengthening of the role and powers of the three "consultative panels" including new statutory footing for the Small Business Practitioner Panel. Also deeper engagement from the panels with the industry to ensure they fully understand the effects of the regulator's policies on the industry and in turn, consumers;

    — a role for a "consumer champion", that is separate from the CPMA. We believe there may be merit in considering the DG SANCO approach, the consumer directorate in the EU;

    — the continuation of the Regulatory Decisions Committee (RDC) in the new structure;

    — the publication of Board minutes as a means of deepening accountability and transparency;

    — the further proposed mechanisms to be set out in statute, notably:

    — a requirement to produce an annual report to be laid before Parliament by the Treasury;

    — a requirement to hold annual public meetings;

    — a duty to establish consultative panels;

    — a duty to maintain a complaints mechanism similar to that required of FSA; and

    — decisions to be subject to appeals in the Upper Tribunal, and where appropriate reviews and inquiries.

 (c)   Regulation must be proportionate and risk-based

  Regulation must be proportionate as well as focused on those aspects of the financial services industry that pose the greatest risk to the economy.

  However this has certainly not been the case under the FSA who, in order to avoid criticism, have tended to pursue actions in recent years that appear to be "bomb-proof". But this is a classic case of the "perfect" being the enemy of the "good". In its pursuit of "perfect" regulation over "good" regulation, it has actually had the detrimental effect of limiting access to financial services products when in fact the absence of them is much more likely to generate hardship.

  The result of FSA's approach has been that IFA firms, who pose no systemic risk to the economy, and are working in the best interests of their clients, have been at the receiving end of FSA's intrusive supervision to a far greater extent than large banking institutions at the other end of the "risk" scale. To put this into context, one of our members, a medium-sized provider of independent advice, which has never been fined or sanctioned by the regulator in any way, was the recipient of three intrusive and formal "ARROW" visits by the regulator over a period of four years. During the same period, immediately prior to its demise, Northern Rock had none.

  This example reflects the way that regulation is often administered in the market: organisations that are large and complex require the existence of people within the regulators who are capable of dealing with them. The majority of the people who work within the regulator will naturally use their energy dealing with issues within their comfort zone. While this is human nature, an undue degree of attention on relatively small firms is bad regulation and damages the market.

The new landscape

  We call for:

    — the new regulators to focus on those aspects of the financial services industry that pose the greatest risk—a continuation of the "follow the money" approach being undertaken by FSA at present and not just "point of sale" regulation, as per FSA's Retail Conduct Strategy;

    — regulation to not be applied to adjacent markets without due consideration being undertaken;

    — well-managed firms, which treat their customers fairly, to be given regulatory incentives for doing so, and it should be these firms that benefit from regulatory change; and

    — The publication of a "regulatory dashboard" so firms can be sure of accessing dividends in their regulatory journey, and making any changes appropriate for their business.

  We propose three types of dividend are adopted by the CPMA:

    — Regulatory fees—the new fee system should favour firms that have invested in compliance and management ability and so pose lower regulatory risks to CPMA or their client base. It is our contention that well run firms that take their regulatory and corporate responsibilities seriously should attract regulatory dividends through lower regulatory fees.

    — Regulatory capital—we think there is a prima facie case for the new regulator to tier its regulatory capital requirements based on a firm's compliance record—and other behavioural indicators. The information that is currently collected through firm reporting and within FSA risk profile methodology should be intelligently used to tier firms' capital requirement. This would see a tangible reward for better run, lower risk, firms.

    — Supervision—intelligent use of the regulator's data should be deployed to recognise those firms that pose lower risks than others. This would see low risk firms subject to less intensive scrutiny.

  These are only examples of how the new regulator could seek to incite positive behaviour. They would provide a clear demonstration of a regulator that wishes to work with the sector to bring about consumer benefit—and this would be welcomed by all participants. We would be happy to assist in developing this proposal further.

 (d)   Regulation must change less, with fewer "new ideas" and more consistency of delivery

  For market regulation to be effective, it needs to meet the following criteria:

    — The participants of the market need to know what is permitted and what is not, so that they can get on with doing their jobs with confidence;

    — Regulation needs to be applied consistently across the market in order to avoid arbitrage;

    — Regulation needs to be applied reasonably consistently over time; and

    — The different parts of the regulatory structure need to act congruently.

  However there is little evidence of such consistency from the FSA. Although the history of regulation under FSA has been relatively short, there have already been a considerable number of waves of different requirements with the result that a degree of regulatory fatigue has set in. The costs of coping with FSA regulation keep rising, and the combined effect of this and fatigue is to drive members of the market out—to the detriment of consumers.

  The full FSA rulebook is a large document written in language that is difficult to comprehend: as a result there is a new industry of expensive compliance experts who do their best to interpret what they think the rules mean. At the same time the regulators apply principles, most notably "Treating Customers Fairly", that while sounding perfectly reasonable, are vague and open-ended. The result is that those being regulated do not know how to behave, and live in fear of unintentionally putting a step wrong.

  Over time, generations of management at the FSA have taken different positions, meaning that practical agreements about how the rules are to be implemented often change when the management team changes. Our members also report that the messages they receive from different parts of the regulator—whether the policy team, supervision team or the enforcement teams—are often highly inconsistent.

  An example of regulatory inconsistency is FSA's "Make a Real Difference" (MARD) initiative, a £50 million initiative which aimed to improve the effectiveness, skill and attitude of FSA staff and support the shift to more principles based regulation. However MARD was effectively abandoned, yet the industry have been paying for it for at a cost of £5 million a year since 2007, and will continue to pay £5 million a year for the next seven years, with little or no identifiable benefit.

The new landscape

  At this stage a radical change of direction, or complete rewrite of the rulebook, would be both unwelcome and counterproductive. However we do believe that there is considerable scope for improvement in how regulation is implemented.

  Below sets out how we believe the new regulatory landscape can address the problems outlined above, while ensuring consistency of delivery in the new regulatory structure.

  We call for:

    — close and continuous co-operation between the newly formed statutory bodies and the FPC to ensure consistency of delivery;

    — clear objectives of the individual regulators which fit logically together. History has shown us that failures happen when there are gaps in regulatory oversight, when regulators fail to co-operate or when they fail properly to fulfil their obligations;

    — each of the three regulatory bodies to formally benefit from each other's objectives as specified secondary objectives, rather than just as "have regards to";

    — a college of supervisors as the best method for cross-body cooperation, coordination and control;

    — a higher standard of staff as well as more joined up working from the policy, supervision and enforcement teams; and

    — financial rewards for staff based on long-term outcomes and visible success measures of policy initiatives.

 (e)   Regulation must be cost effective

  It is essential that the regulator use its resources in the most cost effective and economic way, in order to deliver the best possible value for money. This value for money must be both in terms of the industry and ultimately consumers who are the ones who will end up bearing the cost of increased regulation through higher product and advice charges.

  By definition, consumers will not be able to obtain the products and services they need if the provision of those services is eliminated or made expensive by the actions of the regulators. Yet that is exactly what has been happening under FSA.

  As we have stated previously the complexity and ever rising regulatory costs under FSA meant the cost of advice was also forced to rise rapidly, meaning large numbers of mid and low earners became effectively excluded from accessing independent financial advice, since its provision became uneconomic.

  IFA firms bear a disproportionate brunt of the rising fees, especially considering they pose little or no systemic risk to the economy, are the lowest causes of complaints to the Financial Ombudsman service, and are consistently found to be the most trusted part of the financial services sector, as evidenced by the independent annual "trust index", carried out by the University of Nottingham Business School.

  Example of regulatory costs:

  Below are just a handful of examples of the cost burden of regulation faced by IFA firms under FSA's regulatory regime.

  Example one:

  A large IFA network puts the cost of regulation at the equivalent of 20-25% of their turnover.

  Example two:

  A mid-size IFA firm, made up of 27 advisers, faced regulatory costs this year of approximately £430,000. This was made up of the following:
FSA fees£ 83,000
Compliance£196,000
Finance£ 24,000
MD£ 17,000
Professional indemnity insurance£110,000
TOTAL£430,000


  This means the average cost per adviser for the year was almost £16,000.

  This overall cost of regulation to the firm is five times the direct cost of FSA fees—given FSA directly costs the industry £450 million, it must therefore indirectly cost the industry in the region of £2.25 billion.

  Example 3:

  During the financial year 2009-10 one of our sole trader members spent £1,948.59 on FSA fees and levies, broken down in the following way:
Financial Services Authority Periodic Fee £ 925.00
Financial Capability Periodic Fee£ 10.00
Financial Services Compensation Scheme Levy £ 978.59
Financial Ombudsman Service Levy£ 35.00
TOTAL£1,948.59


  However he spent £8,772 in cash terms on regulation, over 4.5 times the direct cost of FSA fees. This is another indication of how regulatory costs go much wider than just fees.

  Example 4:

  A mortgage intermediary member put the cost of compliance alone last year (including people, systems, PI insurance) at £150,000, which was approximately 7% of their gross revenues. On a per case basis they calculated this as a cost of about £50 per mortgage transaction.

  It is also worth pointing out that the true cost of regulation to all of these firms currently increases with experience—the lack of a long stop for the industry means that businesses, especially the smaller ones, have the burden of making provision within their accounts for the increasing risk of complaints as well as the proposed increases to capital-adequacy provisions.

  IFA firms would not be so exasperated about regulatory costs if they felt FSA had been putting this money to good use, and there were clear benefits to be gained from the money spent. However many of FSA's Cost Benefit Analysis were seen as "highly questionable". Post Implementation Reviews also do not provide proof of value, or evidence of the policy being successfully delivered.

  The RDR is a case in point with its estimated £1.7 billion cost out of kilter with the benefits which will be judged with hindsight. Latest figures from FSA suggest this initiative will target just 48,000 advisers across the broad industry, equating to the equivalent of over £35,000 per adviser in costs. This is surely not cost effective regulation.

  Another good example is FSA's initiative "Make a real difference" (MARD) initiative, referred to earlier in this paper. Again this was an initiative that was effectively abandoned by FSA, but one which the industry are still paying for at a cost of £5 million a year for 10 years, with little or no identifiable benefit. Other examples of these ongoing costs include Treating Customers Fairly (TCF), More Principles Based Regulation (MPBR), the Enhanced Supervision Strategy, and the ARROW framework.

  The regulation of the mortgage industry proves further evidence of increased regulatory costs under FSA. In 2004, the Mortgage Code Compliance Board (MCCB)—FSA's predecessor in terms of mortgage regulation—covered 10,388 intermediary firms, comprising 38,147 sales staff, in addition to having responsibility for monitoring the activities of 156 lenders. The incurred cost of this operation was £4 million.

  Fast forward to 2010 when FSA is now responsible for the mortgage regulation, and the costs have skyrocketed to £24 million, of which £14.4 million is paid directly by intermediaries, despite the number of regulated firms dropping to just 5,477.

The new landscape

  Going forward we therefore wish to see the following from the new regulator:

    — there must always be an identifiable market failure, and a cost/benefit analysis undertaken, before regulatory action is considered;

    — any new regulatory interventions need to be subject to the highest levels of public scrutiny—and their benefits clearly articulated and measured; and

    — CPMA's policy in setting fees should be risk-based. We would also encourage CPMA to use the tools at its disposal to reward firms that invest in their business and its people eg through regulatory dividends.

  It is also worth pointing out that we are very concerned by the overall cost of the proposed new regulatory structures—£50 million as a transitional budget is potentially insufficient, yet still a considerable further sum to the industry.

  Whilst many other Government funded regulators are facing substantial cost pressure, the industry funded FSA is not and this needs to be considered carefully. IFA firms are already facing a barrage of costs due to regulatory changes in 2012, and we therefore call on Treasury to carefully consider all aspects of the costs of any changes, as well appropriate weighting towards different parts of the financial services sector; the cost of the RDR alone is equivalent to over £35,000 per "adviser" in the UK.

  AIFA would also like to continue the debate relating to the cost allocation model within the CPMA structure. AIFA has engaged heavily with FSA over recent months on this issue, including substantial work with external consultants. We feel that there are more appropriate allocation methods for the cost of regulation, and would welcome the opportunity to consider this further in light of the revised regulatory structures when they are confirmed.

 (f)   Regulation must take into account the European dynamic at play

  Increasing amounts of financial regulation are now emanating from Europe, and it is therefore crucial that the UK is best placed to achieve positive engagement on the continent in the coming years and ensure we remain a leading player, for the benefit of consumers.We also feel there is potentially much to be lost at a European level in the near future, as highlighted by Sharon Bowles' recent letter to Vince Cable, further highlighting the need for UK regulators to be fully cognisant of the European dynamic at play in the market.

The new landscape

  AIFA continues to believe that European regulatory powers are not sufficiently addressed within the proposed new architecture, and that lead regulators may not be most appropriate.

  Of most concern is the split between PRA and CPMA of the three new European Authorities. It is proposed that CPMA will lead on European Securities and Markets Authority (ESMA) related issues, whilst PRA will lead on European Banking Authority (EBA) and European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority (EIOPA) areas. The UK is therefore taking a vertical approach, in which the division of regulatory responsibilities is based on the type of institution.

  However this does not tie in with the horizontal approach at the European level, whereby regulation is based on the type of product. Whilst work such as Basel III and Solvency II are addressed by EBA and EIOPA respectively, and therefore appropriately sit with the PRA, there are much wider streams of work which fit less well. IMD and the associated work of the PRIPs initiative is also part of EIOPA's work.

  However, whilst PRIPs will impact the conduct of business practices of all firms engaged in providing "investment" advice in the UK to retail clients, the lead UK authority would be the PRA, not the CPMA. To have the prudential regulator as the lead authority on conduct of business related activity would seem wholly inappropriate.

  We therefore call for:

    — further consideration given to the lead authorities on prudential issues and conduct of business related activity; and

    — enhanced co-operation between regulators at a European and international level. There has been some support for a more formal context for this co-operation, particularly for prudential matters, amongst our membership.

4.  DELIVERY OF REGULATION—THE RETAIL DISTRIBUTION REVIEW

  The Retail Distribution Review (RDR) is a prime example of how FSA has failed in its delivery of regulatory policy. While AIFA supported the six original RDR objectives throughout the three year discussion period, we are highly sceptical that the final proposals will see these original outcomes ultimately delivered. This would be a wasted, not to mention highly expensive, opportunity.

 (a)   Does the RDR enable better outcomes for more consumers?

  No. Indeed the RDR started from a point of aiming to achieve better outcomes for consumers, through increasing their confidence and trust in retail financial services, whilst also increasing consumer access to advice. These were all laudable aims and ones which the IFA profession were fully behind.

  However over the three year consultation process FSA seem to have forgotten their original aims, to the point where they now seriously risk driving out good firms, increasing the costs of advice and reducing access to the financial services market for UK citizens. This will serve the regulator, industry and consumers badly and a generation will be robbed of the security of improved protection, savings and investments that professional, independent, financial advice can bring.

  The RDR threatens to bring about consumer detriment in a number of different ways:

Access to advice

  AIFA strongly supports the raising of professional standards, as a key element of retaining and building consumer trust in financial services. However, professional requirements do not necessarily mean traditional examinations, and more pragmatic and adviser-orientated solutions should be sort.

  There is a danger that FSA's RDR qualification requirements, and in particular the 2012 deadline imposed for achieving them, may result in a significant number of advisers leaving the industry, thus decreasing consumer access to advice.

  Indeed if there is a rush to implement the RDR, there could be a real danger of consumer detriment. Ernst & Young produced research showing that 30% of advisers would leave the sector as a result of a rushed implementation. If only 10% of advisers left, our figures show that:

    — A drop of £650 million in long term business would result in just one year.

    — £1.76 billion of net sales of OEICs and Unit Trusts would be lost.

    — For individual pensions there would be a drop of around two million in policies with the result that pension benefits paid out would reduce by £4.4 billion.

  A longer transitional period may be the answer to this, as may better vocational routes for advisers which are not currently available today.

Remuneration

  We recognise that commission had a negative image in the past, which is why AIFA and our members have been completely behind the move to adviser charging, supporting it throughout the whole RDR process. In fact many of our members have been operating a fee based system for a considerable time.

  However FSA's decision to ban the practice of "factoring" runs counter to the Government's desire to restore a regular savings culture in the UK which can be delivered by encouraging people to buy regular premium pensions. Factoring is the cost-effective way that consumers can receive impartial advice at outset, with the cost of advice split over a period. The removal of factoring will significantly impact any consumer seeking advice on regular premium accumulation products—such as pensions.

Consumer Trust

  One of the main opportunities the RDR has to restore consumer trust was to create a market which has the fewest possible divisions, builds on consumer understanding of simple words like "advice" and which throws open the doors to market improvement. This improvement is essential, for, as the FS Consumer Panel stated:

    "The current advice landscape is characterised by confusion and negative emotions. The RDR proposals should reduce distrust and confusion in the advice market and in theory may enhance the propensity of consumers to seek advice."

  Consumers therefore need to be absolutely clear as to whether they are receiving "advice" or being "sold" a product. AIFA believes that the benefits to the consumer in offering absolute clarity of whether a firm is the "agent of the client" or "agent of the provider" will go a long way to restoring trust in the sector. Unclear motivations have damaged trust in the past, and the RDR could have been the opportunity to restore trust through the distinction afforded by those working for the client without potential conflict of interest. We believe this clarity is fundamental to the success of the RDR.

  However while FSA recognised this clear distinction between advice and sales in its Interim Report, it has since shied away from this stance following pressure from the banking community. Instead there will now be a distinction between independent advice, which is unbiased and unrestricted, and "advice" that does not meet these requirements and is therefore restricted (more appropriately labelled "sales").

  Whilst those offering restricted "advice" will have to make this clear in written and oral disclosure, it is highly disappointing that FSA decided not to enforce a specific set of words to ensure consistency across the market. As a result, this does nothing to help consumers understand the motivations of those purporting to give "advice". We believe this is a missed opportunity to create real clarity in the market place for consumers.

 (b)  Are there appropriate checks and balances in place to ensure accountability?

  No. While the three FSA Consultative Panels fed into the RDR debate, and gave feedback to FSA on its proposals, these views were often overlooked. The Financial Services Consumer Panel (FSCP) in particular strongly recommended that FSA make a strong distinction between sales and advice to make it easy for consumers to distinguish services offered by IFAs and those from paid salesmen from financial services providers. FSCP chairman at the time, Lord Lipsey, strongly criticised the distinction proposed by the FSA as "devoid of meaning" and "nonsense language". His successor Adam Phillips also shared a similar view which he publicly expressed to FSA. However this appeared to have little effect on FSA's thinking in this area.

  It is also only now, at this late stage in the process when the final rules have been decided, that the proposals are being scrutinised by MPs in Parliament, via the Treasury Select, the recent Westminster Hall debate, and plans for a backbench debate in the Commons. This parliamentary scrutiny should have happened much earlier in the process in order to fully hold FSA to account in this area.

  While we welcome the commitment by FSA for a post implementation review of the RDR, it will not necessarily provide proof of value, or evidence of the policy being successfully delivered. We would rather see increased access to independent advice as a metric to measure the RDR's success—if access to advice decreases it would bring consumer detriment. Latest figures from FSA suggest this initiative will target just 48,000 advisers across the broad industry. This equates to the equivalent of over £35,000 per adviser in costs.

 (c)   Does the RDR work in a proportionate and risk-based way?

  No. The wider economic situation has changed dramatically since the RDR started which FSA failed to recognise accordingly in its proposals. IFA firms were not the cause of the crisis and have weathered the storm in good shape. However, firms do not have the financial base that they had at the start of the RDR and FSA should have recognised this in any new regulatory intervention.

  Change is expensive and change on this scale, and during these economic conditions, demands the co-operation of the regulatory authorities with the industry. The RDR was a prime opportunity for FSA to seek to incite positive behaviour through providing "regulatory incentives and dividends" for firms who invested in their business and people to deliver the RDR outcomes. Indeed at the start of the RDR, FSA discussed ways of doing this which included statements in DP07/01 such as "well-managed firms, which treat their customers fairly, should be given regulatory incentives for doing so, and it should be these firms that benefit from regulatory change", and that "Firms with good market practice would receive a regulatory dividend but those with riskier market practice would need additional FSA supervision".

  This was echoed by the RDR Sustainability Group who recommended that "…there should be a regulatory dividend for having robust management, systems and controls". There was a recognition that firms would need to invest in their people, and may need to change their business models, if the RDR's objectives were to be seen through. AIFA welcomed this regulatory support and proposed a "regulatory dashboard" which could be published so firms could be sure of accessing dividends in their regulatory journey, and making any changes appropriate for their business.

  However the impact of the banking crisis saw the notion of dividends removed, which we believe was an unfair response given that IFA firms did not cause the crisis. The new regulator should offer lower fees for firms that invest in developing their people, compliance and management, which then lowers the risk factor. Lower risk should bring less intensive regulatory burdens commensurate with the lower risk posed.

  Given the wider state of the economy, there was also a prima facie case for FSA to tier its regulatory capital requirements based on a firm's compliance record—and other behavioural indicators. The information collected within FSA risk profile methodology could have been used intelligently used to tier firms' capital requirement. That would see a tangible reward for better run, lower risk, firms.

 (d)   Has the RDR been consistently delivered?

  No. Throughout the entire RDR process there have been numerous U turns, and changes of heart by the regulator. The labelling issue is a prime example. In the initial RDR paper, FSA proposed three different labels for advice—"professional financial planning", "general financial advice", and "primary advice". By the time of the Interim Report this had changed to a single tier professional advice sector in which advice offered must be whole of market, independent advice. The sales regime had to be strictly non-advised and labelled as such. A few months later this had changed again, with FSA proposing a muddy landscape of "independent advice", "sales advice" and "guided sales". By the time of the Policy Statement last year, these labels changed yet again, divided down by "Independent advice", "restricted advice", "simplified advice" and "basic advice". FSA's proposals for remuneration structures, professionalism and qualifications have also changed numerous times over the three year consultation period.

  The number of personnel changes within the RDR team has undoubtedly not helped this inconsistency. Whilst a degree of turn-over is expected, and should be planned for, the wholesale changes within the RDR team have contributed to mixed messages being communicated to the industry and a number of policy misalignments and re-prioritisations. The new regulator should learn from this experience and projects should either be shorter—or teams and individuals should be expected to stay the course (ie not moved internally). This is not a comment on the competence or professionalism of the individuals concerned but a statement about a better way of working.

 (e)   Is the RDR cost effective?

  No. The intermediary market could be hit with costs of more than £1.7 billion as a result of the RDR, which is out of kilter with the benefits which will be judged with hindsight. Indeed the publication of FSA's Cost/Benefit Analysis on the RDR drew widespread criticism for its lack of depth and failure to grasp the true costs of change for firms. The costs will have a major impact on firms without delivering genuine consumer benefit which was the original objective of the RDR. These additional costs to firms also come at a time of difficult trading conditions, with firms being required to hold more capital and pay higher regulatory fees.

 (f)   Does the RDR take into account the European dynamic at play?

  Again the answer is no. IMD, PRIPS and MIFID are all due to be published by the European Commission in the next three months, and all will have huge ramifications for the market. However FSA has failed to take account of the impact of these pieces of legislation on the intermediary market, and how in turn the various streams of the RDR will thus be affected.

3 November 2010





 
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