Government reform of Higher Education - Business, Innovation and Skills Committee Contents


Supplementary written evidence submitted by Lord Browne of Madingley

THE WHITE PAPER HIGHER EDUCATION: STUDENTS AT THE HEART OF THE SYSTEM

INTRODUCTION

I am grateful to the Committee for inviting me to submit supplementary written evidence on the Government's proposals for Higher Education.

My role in leading the Independent Review of Higher Education Funding and Student Finance expired on 12 October 2010 when our review was published. Consequently, I submit this evidence only as an interested citizen.

SUPPORT

I am pleased to note that the Government has accepted the vast majority of specific measures recommend in our review. Where it has deviated from our recommendations or added to them, the proposals are generally sensible.

I applaud in particular four proposals made in the White Paper:

—  The changes to the repayment system, especially the increase in the income threshold to £21,000 and the increase in the maximum payment period to 30 years. These measures will ensure that no graduate is required to pay more than they can afford and will create a truly progressive repayment system.

—  The extension of support for the costs of learning to part-time students and distance learners. Higher education will be free at the point of entry for all students, regardless of the mode of study - a vital step in widening participation.

—  The provision of better information for students, though Key Information Sets and improved careers guidance. Properly informed students will be able to effectively exercise choice: improving their own prospects, and driving up quality through competition.

—  The extension of degree-awarding powers, student support and the title "university" to a broader range of institutions. Traditional universities, further education colleges and private providers each have a vital role to play in our higher education system.

PRINCIPLES

Many of the proposals in the White Paper remain unclear. As the Government refines its proposals and develops the detail, there are some general principles that should be kept in mind.

First, the Government should retain a focus on the three overarching policy goals, which were set out in our review and supported by the Government:

—  Quality: institutions should grow and adapt to meet students' demands.

—  Participation: no student should have to forego higher education for financial reasons.

—  Sustainability: the system should have the funding and flexibility to survive in the long-term.

Any proposals should be judged against these three objectives.

Second, as I emphasised last time I spoke to this Committee, Higher Education requires systemic reform. Changes to any particular aspect (for example fee levels, repayment mechanisms, number controls, access requirements or information provision) have consequences for the operation of the system as a whole. Reform will only be successful if designed with an appreciation of these complex interrelations.

Third, simplicity is a virtue. One of the greatest threats to participation by students, particularly those from disadvantaged backgrounds, is misconceptions about the higher education system, especially about the availability of student loans, the nature of the debt incurred and the arrangements for repayment. Ensuring that the system remains as simple as possible reduces the likelihood of damaging misconceptions among students.

CONCERNS

To my mind, there are four specific proposals in the White Paper which require refinement or clarification:

—  Control of student numbers (4.18-4.21)

     As the title of the White Paper suggests, the Government aims to place students at the heart of the higher education system.

     In my view, that ambition should be applauded. As we set out in our review, a higher education system in which institutions respond to the demands of students will be one that delivers a high-quality education. The review saw competition in a controlled market as the only way to deliver consistent improvements in the quality of higher education.

     Competition of this kind depends on liberalising number controls. Institutions that provide a good service must be able to grow to welcome more students and institutions that provide a bad service must face the prospect of improving their offering or potentially closing.

     The Government recognises this but faces a countervailing pressure to retain control on numbers in order to limit costs. Given this pressure, the opening up of places for those getting AAB or higher at A-level is a reasonable starting point for liberalisation.

     But in the long-run, it cannot be satisfactory to exclude 80% of students from the benefits of competition. Those who do not get AAB should not be consigned to a separate system in which successful universities cannot expand to accommodate them, and in which the pressures of competition are absent.

     The goal must be to liberalise the vast majority of places by bringing down the AAB threshold as quickly as possible. The White Paper articulates an intention to move in this direction, but gives no commitment. The Government should make a firmer statement of its ambition in this regard, and detail by what criteria HEFCE will determine the speed of liberalisation.

     The margin of places for institutions charging less than £7,500 does not strike me as a meaningful liberalisation of number controls. The White Paper is not clear but suggests these places will be "competed for on the basis of agreed criteria": ie centrally distributed rather than responding to student demand.

—  Fee cap (1.8)

     In our review we proposed that there be no cap on fees, but instead a levy on fees above £6,000 to cover the cost to Government of providing finance. This seemed the best mechanism to incentivise institutions to provide good value for money courses, keep control on costs, and dynamically respond to changes in student demand.

     The Government's last year announced that it would not be removing the cap or instituting a levy, but would instead increase the cap to £9,000.

     This is a system with no inherent flexibility and it will not deliver sustainability. Costs in higher education will continue to rise and the spend on higher education by our international competitors will continue to increase. If we want to provide world-class education on the best courses then more money will have to be found.

     The Government will inevitably have to revisit this issue, perhaps within the next five years. It would be helpful at this stage—for both students and universities - if the Government were to outline its thinking in this regard.

—  Indexation of earnings threshold (1.15)

     The White Paper does not state how the earnings threshold above which graduates are required to make repayments will rise over time.

     In our review we noted that the 2006 reforms had not included a mechanism for increasing the earnings threshold. As a result, the threshold has remained constant at £15,000, even though earnings and prices have increased. This has had three damaging consequences:

—  Graduates earning the lowest wages, who were originally not required to make payments (because they could not afford to do so) are now required to make payments;

—  The contributions of graduates earning lower wages have increased more rapidly than the contributions of graduates earning higher wages;

—  All graduates are required to contribute more as a proportion of their salary than when the system was introduced.

     In sum, the failure of the last reforms to index the earnings threshold steadily eroded the progressive nature of the repayment system. In order to avoid a repetition of this situation our report recommended the earnings threshold be linked to average earnings.

     On 8 December 2010 the Secretary of State for Business Innovation and Skills put a written statement to the House in which he endorsed this recommendation. I do not know whether the absence of this detail from the White Paper is an omission or a change in policy, but in my view the success of these reforms depends on its inclusion.

—  HEFCE (6.10)

     The White Paper is right to recognise that HEFCE must undergo a "major change of emphasis as the reforms take hold, requiring different power and appropriate remodelling as it evolves from being primarily a funding council to also being the lead regulator for one of our most important sectors."

     HEFCE will have a new purpose, and it must be fit for that purpose. The effective functioning of the higher education market depends on having a strong and independent regulator. HEFCE should be established as such, along the lines of Ofcom or Ofgem.

     In particular it must be set up to have:

—  Purpose: HEFCE's central mission must be to serve the interests of students.

—  Independence: The Board should be composed of independent members, not (as presently) senior employees of the higher education industry that HEFCE is established to regulate.

—  Bite: HEFCE must be equipped with adequate powers to address failings in quality or competition.

7 July 2011


 
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