The Development Situation in Malawi

Written evidence submitted by Jimmy Kainja

I am a Malawian national currently leaving in the United Kingdom, working as a lecturer and seminar leader at London Metropolitan University. I am also an independent researcher and writer. I am interested in media and democracy, governance, democratisation and development in sub-Haran Africa, particularly Malawi.

Contents

i. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Introduction

ii. -------------------------------------------- Current Political and Economic situation

iii. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- Historical Perspective

iv. --------------------------------------------------------------------------- Recommendations

Introduction

(1) There are a multitude of problems hindering development in Malawi, political and economic are the most pertinent ones. The mass demonstrations in July 2011 against perennial power cuts, lack of foreign currency, high food prices and fuel shortages, which resulted in the deaths of 20 people were a symptomatic of a combination of poor governance and a lack of democratic institutions in the country.

Current Political and Economic Situation

(2) Problems facing Malawi are many and beyond the current administration. The worsening economic problems and narrowing democratic freedoms and declining political freedoms have led to fears that the country could become a "failed state." Power is very centralised in the country. The executive arm of the government wields immense power and the country’s political culture of self-enrichment means that people around the president are not willing to stand up against poor decision-making for fear of jeopardising their own personal ambitions.

(3) Summarily dismissals of any official who has stood up to the president and challenged questionable decisions is commonplace.

(4) For example, the current Vice Joyce Banda, the current Vice President Joyce Banda was dismissed from the ruling party for indicating her intent to stand for presidency in 2014 when the incumbent president is due to stand down. It has now become apparent that the incumbent President, Bingu wa Mutharika has lined up his younger brother, Peter as his successor. Former Attorney General and Justice Minister, Henry Dama Phoya has also been dismissed from the party for standing up against the widely opposed bill, "Civil Procedures Act", which prevents citizens seeking court injunctions against "the government or public officers". The president has since assented the bill into law.

(5) In April 2011 the UK’s High Commissioner to Malawi, Fergus Cochrane-Dyet, was expelled from the country for criticising Malawi’s leadership in a leaked cable to the UK government.

(6) A huge parliamentary majority, political cronyism and self-serving parliamentarians (both ruling and opposition) seeking personal rewards allow the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), to pass legislations with ease. This has included the above-mentioned law, an unpopular amendment to Section 46 of the Penal Code to empower the Minister of Information to ban publication or importation of any material that she or he "deems contrary to the public interest". There has also been passed is a law that allows the police to search citizens without any warrant.

(7) In the absence of formidable political opposition to hold the government into account, religious, non governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society organisations (CSOs) have worked tirelessly, often under difficult circumstances, including threats to their lives and their loved ones, to safeguard the country’s young democracy, personal and political freedoms and most of all to ensure the government works for the people who gave it a mandate to govern.

(8) Consequently, the government has been at loggerheads with these organisations, as government officials see them as a threat to achieving their personal and political ambitions. In the aftermath of the July 11 demonstrations – which demanded that the government provided basic services for its people, the president publicly threatened "to smoke out" [1] the organisers of the protests and called them "satanic" and called their efforts works of a "devil." His choice of words here is meant to appeal to the country’s religious majority who would resonate with this sentiment.

Historical Perspective

(9) It is clear that the turn of events in the country is directly linked to the fact that President Mutharika is due to step down in 2014 yet appears to want to have some form of control – hence the choice of his brother to succeed him. Interestingly, these are the very circumstances under which President Mutharika came into power in 2004.

(10) A failed bid to change the constitution to allow for a third term in office, Malawi’s former President, Bakili Muluzi ruthlessly removed everyone that he saw as a potential successor within his party. The members Muluzi fired included the founders of the then ruling United Democratic Front (UDF). Muluzi’s motivation was to install a successor that he could easily control and who could allow him to stand for office once more. Bingu wa Mutharika, a relatively newcomer to the party and not even an executive member was picked (by Muluzi) for this role. Mutharika went on to win 2004 presidential elections.

(11) Mutharika abandoned Muluzi’s UDF in 2005 to form his own political party (DPP) with which he won the following election. As with Muluzi, Mutharika had an excellent first term in office that saw him gaining the trust of Malawians who rewarded him with over 63% of the 2009 presidential vote and a huge parliamentary majority. The politics behind the successions underline three crucial things:

1. Malawi has a self-serving political culture – being in politics is seen as a way to accumulate personal wealth and not necessarily servicing people. This incentivises politicians, especially presidents, to cling on to power or at least return some form of control once their mandate is over.

2. The current problems facing Malawi have little to do with Mutharika’s competence but more to do with his desire and zeal to have his brother as a successor so he could still maintain some level of control.

3. The problems facing Malawi are systemic. Therefore unlikely to go with a mere change of administration. There is a need for strong democratic institutions, vibrant civil society, separation of powers, independent civil society and decentralisation of power.

(12) Following the UK’s decision to indefinitely suspend general budgetary support to Malawi due to "concerns over economic management and governance [2] ," Malawi’s political and economic crisis has worsened. Critics of the government are illegally detained and imprisoned [3] . The government now has a $121 million annual budget deficit [4] .

Recommendations

(13) The protests in July 2011 clearly show that Malawians are not happy with the direction their government has taken. However, the outright suspension of aid and any sanctions that may follow will impact upon a huge majority of the populace, 74% of which live on less than $1.25 a day. These people are likely to endure continuing poverty, and any opposition to government policy will no doubt result in ever more draconian punishment.

(14) The UK government has much experience sanctioning dictators, such Iraq under Saddam Hussein, and lessons will no doubt have been learnt from these experiences. However, sanctions in Malawi would only serve to weaken the young, old, and poor. As explained above, democratic institutions in Malawi are very weak – close to non-existent. NGOs and CSOs can be silenced by the government if and when it choses. The civil service is not independent; the police and army are full of presidential appointees and both these services appear to be in the pocket of the government. 

(15) The majority of Malawians depend on very small-scale businesses and small-scale agriculture. Healthy facilities in Malawi are based in the big cities, whereas 86% of the population live in the rural areas. Crucially, in many cases life-saving amenities are dependent on the availability of fuel and to some extent foreign exchange. These two items are non-existent to most Malawians.

(13) The UK through DFID can also help Malawi with upgrading crucial infrastructures such as hydro-electric powers to improve constant electricity outages, which cost the country $215 million a year [5] . DFID could help fu nd irrigation schemes to relieve the country’s overreliance on rain-fed agriculture and utilise the country’s abundant water resources and make use of the abundant idle and unused land. DFID could help not only educate the masses on democracy and the rule of law but also help with institution building and help with initiatives that would push for decentralization of power. The UK government should restore aid with strict conditions; bypassing all government structure by all means possible.

February 2012