5 Mediation and other means of preventing
cases reaching court
Background
74. In this Chapter we note the number of private
and public law cases reaching the courts and consider whether
early intervention provides a means of reducing the number of
such cases. We then consider the use of mediation as a potential
source of (relatively) quick and cheap resolution of private law
cases.
Public
law
Number of cases reaching court
75. In 2009 (the latest year for which figures
are available) 25,810 children were subject to public law applications,
and some 17,090 of these were care applications.[102]
This represents a 45% increase in care applications and a 31%
rise in public law applications overall. Cafcass publishes monthly
figures (discussed in more detail in Chapter 6) on care cases
(a subset of public law cases) which show that the number of care
cases has continued to rise, increasing from 8,826 in 2009-10
to 9,152 in 2010-11 (a case can involve more than one child).
76. Despite the increasing numbers, we were told
that unnecessary cases were not being brought before the courts.
Bruce Clark, Director of Policy, Cafcass, told us that:
Certainly, our immediate own post Baby Peter research
showed that no footling irrelevant cases were being brought before
the court in a panic. The cases that were being brought in the
immediate wake of the Baby Peter publicity were long-term chronic
neglect cases, and there were strong arguments that these cases
should have been being brought before the court sooner and they
should not have been kept away from the court.[103]
77. The research Cafcass carried out was in the
form of a survey in June/July 2009 which asked guardians about
care applications made in the 3 weeks after the publicity over
Baby Peter's death. It found that the profile of cases was similar
to those found by earlier studies conducted before the Baby Peter
case. It concluded that "overwhelmingly, children's guardians
felt that in the cases referred to in the survey, the [care] application
was either timed appropriately (53.7%) or had been delayed (43.9%).
In just 2.4% (2 cases) the guardian indicated that they believed
the application was premature." Most workers felt that local
authorities had not changed the threshold at which they launched
care proceedings. Instead they were launching care proceedings
closer to the time the legal threshold was reached, while in the
past they might have waited. Because of the time it takes for
cases to reach a conclusion, the report was not able to look at
whether judges agreed with the Cafcass worker's view.[104]
78. The Minister, Tim Loughton MP, Parliamentary
Under-Secretary of State, Department for Education, was more cautious
than Cafcass, but said that:
certainly the number of children in care about whom
the courts have then upheld that was the right decision would
suggest that perhaps more children should have come into the care
system pre-Baby Peter than actually did.[105]
79. The MoJ told us that "Prior to Baby
P, in roughly 9 out of 10 cases, the courts made an order (i.e.
to take the child into care, adoption, or place with a relative
etc). The Ministry of Justice has no evidence to suggest that
the proportion of orders made has decreased in the post Baby P
cases", but it did not supply us with figures.[106]
80. There are problems with using the published
statistics to calculate whether the number of cases the courts
are upholding has changed. The latest published figures are from
2009, and these show that the number of care orders made increased
from 6,240 to 7,640, while the number of cases withdrawn increased
by 28 to 298 and the number of refused orders remained the same
at 20. However this only covers cases which were concluded in
2009, and the average case length means that most of the cases
resolved in 2009 would have been brought prior to the increase
in cases associated with Baby Peter (which started in November
2008). In addition, because it is not possible to link outcomes
with applications, these figures do not indicate whether a lower
percentage of cases resulted in orders. They do indicate that
the proportion of disposals has not increased in line with the
increase in applications, reflecting increases in the duration
of cases. This problem with matching up cases has meant that it
has been necessary in the past to commission research to calculate
the proportion of applications resulting in various types of orders.
The Care Profiling Study (Masson et al 2008) was commissioned
to provide such data.
81. Cafcass, the Education Minister,
and the MoJ all told us that it is not the case that too many
care cases are coming before the courts. However, because of
problems with the statistics it is not possible to tell if the
proportion of cases in which the courts agree with the local authorities'
assessment has changed. We note that in the past it has been
necessary to commission research to calculate the proportion of
applications resulting in various types of orders. There may
be a need for further such research in future if there appears
to be a significant shift in the proportion of cases in which
the courts reject the assessments of local authorities.
FAMILY GROUP CONFERENCES
82. One suggested means put to us for preventing
cases reaching court was the use of Family Group Conferences (FGCs).
They originate from New Zealand and aim to support families (including
extended family members and friends) to draw up a plan to enable
the child to remain with the immediate or extended family. FGCs
are voluntary, but the families are aware that if nothing is agreed
the child may be taken into care. The family, and often the child,
meet with a social worker and a co-ordinator who may be from a
charity or a separate part of social services. The plan is constructed
by the family (in private) but must address the local authority's
concerns. The local authority can set conditions, for example
stipulating that the child cannot live with a particular person.
The family can ask for support as part of the plan. The local
authority then chooses whether or not to accept the plan. Depending
on the details of the case and the plan it may avoid the need
for proceedings, or the plan may need to be confirmed by court
orders. The Interim Report noted that there were a variety of
commissioning models and that the use of the technique varies
between local authorities. It said that FGCs were "usually
seen as a means to avoid proceedings" rather than as a form
of mediation whose conclusions could be confirmed by the court.
83. The Family Rights Group explained the potential
benefits of FGCs in its submission:
FGCs are proven to:
- Result in extended family members
stepping in to support struggling parents and when necessary to
take on the care of the child if s/he cannot remain with their
parents;
- Engage fathers and paternal relatives;
- Give children a voice;
- Improve outcomes for children at risk.[107]
The British Association of Social Workers was also
very supportive of this approach.[108]
84. The Family Rights Group told us that a 2009
survey found that 69% of local authorities in England and 18 out
of 22 authorities in Wales have or are setting up an FGC service.[109]
The Interim Report found that "most (possibly all) local
authorities now offer some form of FGC service". Barnardo's
said in written evidence that it would like to see an entitlement
to FGCs in care proceedings. Jonathan Ewen, Director, Barnardo's
North East, told us that FGCs cost between £1,000-2,000 per
family. A typical court case would cost the local authority £4,825
in court fees alone. He also assured us that FGC would not add
to delays because:
if we were able to be sure that at no stage in the
care proceedings another relative was able to come forward to
be assessed, it means all that work would be done before you got
into actual proceedings. That means the proceedings could flow
forward much more speedily.[110]
85. A survey by Cafcass[111]
found that "late emergence of family members wishing to be
assessed as potential carers" was the second most common
reason given for cases not proceeding as timetabled. However,
this was the finding of a survey of Cafcass workers, rather than
a review of case files, and so does not give an indication of
how many cases may be affected by this problem. The Family Rights
Group claimed that 90% of FGCs reached an agreement that the local
authority accepted, and that this prevented children being taken
into care in 32% of cases and prevented proceedings in 47% of
cases.[112] Mr Ewen
told us about the work of Barnardo's Liverpool Family Group Conferencing
Service which claimed an even better success rate: it had worked
with 27 families, and not one proceeded to care. However it should
be noted that not all cases in an area are referred to FGC, and
that the families are carefully selected. If FGCs were rolled
out to all cases, the success rate could well fall.
86. Barnardo's told us that note should be taken
of the cost savings of FCGs:
[The Liverpool FGC] cost £88,000 to run but
saved the local authority approximately ten times that amount
in care fees. Despite being regarded as a successful and cost
effective service by the local authority, last year [2010] Liverpool
announced it would no longer be able to continue funding non statutory
work. The service has been forced to make significant cut-backs.[113]
87. The Family Rights Group also reported considerable
savings from FGCs, with a recent sample of four local FGC projects
finding that they have prevented 159 children becoming looked
after in the last year, including avoidance of proceedings for
87 children, at a saving of approximately £6.76 million.[114]
88. Family Group Conferences
are a way to enable parents to makes necessary changes in order
to retain care of their children, or to enable children to remain
with the extended family. In cases where it is not possible for
the child to remain with the family, they can help reduce delays
once the case reaches court. Given the high costs of court cases,
legal aid and the high costs of keeping children in care, the
potential saving from even a small reduction in the number of
care cases is considerable. We were very impressed by the account
of Family Group Conferences in Liverpool. It is a matter of regret
that a service with an apparent 100% success rate is being cut
back.
OTHER MEANS OF DIVERTING PUBLIC
LAW CASES FROM COURT
89. We also took evidence on the use of "letters
before proceedings". These are letters that Government guidance
recommends local authorities should send to parents when they
are considering care proceedings. The letter should set out what
the local authority's concerns are, how these can be addressed,
and what help and support is available. The letter should be
written in jargon-free language the parents can understand, and
if necessary it should be translated. None of the information
in the letter is supposed to be new, and it should all have been
raised in previous meetings. The letter invites the parents to
a Pre-Proceeding Meeting where the local authority and the parents
try to agree a plan drawn up by the local authority. Receipt
of such letters also confers eligibility for legal aid on the
parents concerned. The Family Rights Group told us that the use
of letters before proceedings was "patchy" and that:
it is often sent so late in the day that there is
no time for parents/wider family members to make the changes necessary
to overcome the concerns before care proceedings commence. We
would recommend that the guidance be revised so that local authorities
are encouraged to send the letter at least 3 months before proceedings
are likely to be initiated unless there is an emergency.[115]
90. A study by Cafcass looking at the impact
of the Baby Peter case found that Cafcass was sure that a letter
before proceedings had been sent by the Local Authority in 39%
of cases, and was also sure that a letter had not been sent in
39% of cases, (although half of these were emergency protection
orders where the urgency of the application meant that a letter
could not be sent).[116]
The MoJ told us that it did not hold any information on numbers
of letter before proceedings issued.[117]
The Interim Report said that:
it makes sense to give parents due notice, with a
clear statement of the changes they need to make, rather than
going straight to court. But there is a need for research on
what works and why some areas of the country are not using it.[118]
91. We agree with the Interim
Report that further research is required on a range of measures
which could potentially help parents to make changes which could
resolve pubic law cases without taking children into care, or
without proceedings. We are particularly interested in the wider
use of "letters before proceedings". However, the Department
has no data on how often they are used, what the barriers are
to their wider use, or how effective they are. Given that receiving
a letter before proceedings confers entitlement to non-means-tested
legal aid we find this lack of any evidence base particularly
surprising. We recommend that the Government should commission
such research.
Private
law
Number of cases reaching court
92. The number of private law cases have been
rising since 2005, and the 2009 figures represented a 14% increase
on the previous year. In 2009, some 137,480 children were the
subject of private law family cases. Currently 90% of separating
parents do not use the courts. The MoJ told us that it believed
this figure had remained stable between 2002 and 2007.[119]
However, some of those 90% will be unhappy with their contact
arrangements, and in up to 30% of cases one parent does not see
the child but does not challenge that in court. [120]
93. We heard that the families that did reach
court were those with multiple problems:
Many are victims of violence, or are perpetrators
whose need for representation and advice is no less great. Many
have lives blighted by alcoholism or drug abuse. Many of our
clients do not have English as a first language; many speak no
English at allvital instructions are communicated through
interpreters.[121]
94. Research has found very high levels of domestic
violence in private law cases which reach court. In a 2005 study,
53% of women reported physical or emotional abuse as a cause of
the separation, with actual or fear of violence continuing post-separation
for 40% of women. Actual violence or fear of violence prior to
the application was reported by 24% of women who had not reported
violence during the relationship. The study noted that despite
the high levels of domestic violence only about 15% of cases had
an injunction or protective order.[122]
95. Research for the Ministry of Justice by Joan
Hunt and Alison Macleod of the University of Oxford found high
levels of safeguarding concerns, only about a third of which related
to domestic violence.[123]
In 54% of cases (167 of 308) the resident parent
raised concerns over serious welfare issues: domestic violence
(34%); child abuse or neglect (23%); parenting capacity affected
by drug abuse (20%), alcohol abuse (21%), mental illness (13%)
or learning difficulties(1%); fear of abduction (15%). The proportion
rose to 82% of cases (89 of 108) where the resident parent initially
opposed any direct contact.
96. The study also found that domestic violence
was alleged in 50% of cases (this figure is higher because it
includes historic domestic violence or where it was not raised
as a welfare concern). Some cases in which there are safety concerns
are not reaching court under the current arrangements. Fiona
Weir, CEO, Gingerbread, told us that in cases which did not reach
court: "we find even where contact is continuing, in about
10% of cases, there is an ongoing safety issue that is concerning
at least one of the parents."[124]
97. We received evidence that
a large number of private law cases that currently reach court
involve families with multiple problems. A high percentage of
cases involve domestic violence or other child protection concerns.
Care must be taken that any measures to divert cases from court
only seek to do so where that is in the best interests of the
child. This will be more complex than simply screening for domestic
violence.
Early Intervention
98. In our terms of reference we asked about
"the role, operation and resourcing of mediation and other
methods in resolving matters before they reach court". The
vast majority of the submissions we received focused on mediation.
However, we did receive some evidence about even earlier intervention
to prevent private law cases reaching court. Early intervention
can include:
- Peer support groups;
- Leaflets;
- Helplines;
- Educational DVDs;
- Parenting Classes;
- Information sessions;
- Advice from schools or Sure Start Centres;
- Websites (including DirectGov);
- Counselling; and
- Therapeutic interventions.
99. However, we received no evidence of evaluations
which established the effectiveness or otherwise of the interventions
listed above. Gingerbread called on the Government to undertake
such research:
[We call on the Government to] Conduct a robust cost/benefit
analysis of different interventions intended to improve child
outcomes, reduce parental conflict and reduce the use of the courts,
drawing on evidence from the UK and elsewhere. This should include
a broader analysis in terms of long-term cost savings of better
outcomes for children.[125]
100. Providing an early intervention service
to all parents, in an attempt to target the 10% of parents who
go to court, would not seem to be a cost-effective use of resources.
However, if the intervention is seen in terms of child and family
wellbeing, rather than solely in terms of the number of cases
reaching court, then early intervention may have real benefit.
We also heard that in some cases intervening later is not effective
as positions have become entrenched.[126]
The small proportion of cases reaching court means that any study
of the effectiveness of early intervention would have to be carefully
designed to deliver reliable results.
101. It is also worth noting that there are currently
up to 30% of cases where one parent has no contact but does not
apply to court. There are also cases where one parent is unhappy
with the current level of contact but does not make a court application.
Any early intervention or additional information could help these
parents make better informal arrangements about child contact.
However, it could also encourage more parents who were unhappy
or denied contact to go to court. In some cases it could be in
the best interests of the child for this to happen, for example
if one parent was denying the other parent contact without good
cause. The chance of an increase in the number of court cases
could be minimised by high quality interventions, but, given the
high number of cases with no contact, an increase in the number
of parents making court applications for contact is a real risk.
SIGNPOSTING
102. With the wide range of interventions available
parents need to know what to choose and how to access it. We
heard that there was a problem with parents not knowing how to
access the help that was available. Fiona Weir from Gingerbread
told us that:
What parents tell us again and again is that they
don't know what's out there. There is a real issue about navigating.
They are not being signposted effectively to what the mix of
interventions is from information to advice to counselling to
mediation that could help them.[127]
103. The Government is seeking to address this
problem. On 13 January 2011 the Department for Work and Pensions
published Strengthening families, promoting parental responsibility:
the future of child maintenance.[128]
The consultation primarily focused on the reform of CMEC (the
former Child Support Agency). However, the document also included
proposals relevant to the family courts. The consultation asked
"whether a single website and a single helpline linking up
the range of support available online and in local communities
for separating families might be appropriate." These could
be run by voluntary or community groups, and could also "build
on and complement the existing government and voluntary and community
sector services..."[129]
104. In parts of the consultation the proposed
new service appeared to be about joining-up information which
was already available: "integrat[ing] the support currently
provided to empower families" and "fully integrating
the emotional support people may need". However, other parts
of the consultation proposed more than just integrating existing
services, stating that the proposed helpline "could offer
an initial triage for problems, with greater emphasis on self-help
tools, encouraging parents to make their own arrangements, but
also fully trained advisers to help assess cases and refer families
on to the most appropriate support." The proposal does not
include any costings, on the basis that the cost would depend
on which model was finally decided upon.
105. The Interim Report made its own set of proposals
to tell parents about services. It recommended:
the introduction of an online information hub for
England and Wales to provide a single point of access for information,
legal documents and applications for family related issues. The
online system would be supplemented with a telephone helpline
and paper based information for those without access to the internet
or who need further information on a specific issue. This will
include:
- clear guidance about parents'
responsibilities towards their children whether separated or not,
including their roles and responsibilities as set out in legislation;
- information and advice about services available
to support families, whether separated or not;
- information and advice to resolve family conflicts,
including fact-sheets, case studies, peer experiences, DVD clips,
modelling and interactive templates to help with Parenting Agreements;
- advice about options for supported dispute resolution,
which would highlight the benefits of alternative forms of dispute
resolution, including mediation, and PIPs;
- information about court resolution, should alternative
dispute resolution not be suitable, and costs of applications;
- support for couples to agree child maintenance
arrangements;
- guidance on the division of assets; and
- what to do when there are serious child welfare
concerns.
The hub should include support and information for
children and young people, to help them through this difficult
time. It will provide information to divorcing couples about
the divorce process, directing them to the online divorce portal
where they will find the forms and tools they need. It should
also be a source of information for wider family members, who
can often be the first and main point of information and emotional
support for separating couples.[130]
106. More support for separating
parents could reduce the number of cases reaching court and reduce
the negative impact of separation on children. However, there
is currently a lack of evidence as to which early interventions
are most effective. There is also the risk that some of the numerous
cases where one parent has no contact could be diverted into court.
We are not clear to what extent the proposals in Strengthening
Families are proposing a referral and signposting service
or a service which itself provides additional help. We call on
the Government to clarify this.
107. Currently only one in ten
separating parents resolves their disputes in court. The evidence
we received is that a large number of these parents have multiple
problems. This means that they are unlikely to be diverted from
court by anything other than intensive intervention. In addition,
there are many cases involving safeguarding concerns which should
not be diverted from court. Some parents could be diverted from
court by low-level intervention, but the Government should be
realistic about the impact of any proposals on the number of private
law cases reaching court.
RESOURCES
108. If more families are to be referred to various
early intervention services, those services will need to be funded.
In the current financial circumstances, such funding is in short
supply. For example, Strengthening Families suggested
more training for Sure Start staff to enable them to "respond
to relationship distress" and "provide access to relationship
counselling". It suggests that local authorities should
intervene with families early to provide parenting programmes
and conflict resolution programmes (these would not be provided
in cases of domestic violence). However, the proposals do not
comment on whether extra funding will be provided to help local
authorities fund these interventions, or to fund additional training
for Sure Start staff. Some Sure Start Centres are facing closure
or reduced services as a result of spending cuts.[131]
109. We also heard that some current early intervention
services are under threat. Fiona Weir told us that:
The obvious worry is what is out there. When you
look at the services for families that work and support families,
most of them are desperately under pressure for funding and we
may see quite a significant reduction in what is out there over
the next year rather than an increase. To make that vision real
it is going to require some investment.[132]
110. The National Association of Child Contact
Centres was concerned about the increasing reliance on the voluntary
sector:
straightforward contact disputes never now come to
court yet the numbers themselves continue to increase and much
of the external provision is provided by the voluntary sector
and by volunteers heavily reliant on a reducing number of funders.[133]
111. The wider funding to accompany
any signposting service will be crucial. There is no point in
referring parents to services which have no capacity to cope with
additional demand. However, we know that resources are scarce
and that it is unrealistic to make demands for widespread increased
Government spending in the current climate. We heard during our
previous inquiry into legal aid that the Big Society Bank will
be a potential source of capital for charities and social enterprises,
by means of social impact bonds and other financial products.
We call on the Government to confirm that such bodies which provide
early intervention for families which need assistance would potentially
be eligible for such capital and to ensure that those bodies
understand how they can become involved. We also think that the
Government should consider whether the payment-by-results principle
which it is championing elsewhere might be applicable here, with
financial incentives available for organisations which have a
successful impact providing effective support for families. Our
predecessor Committee's report on Justice Reinvestment made the
case for more funding to be spent on early intervention, with
consequential reductions in the need for expensive prison spaces
at a later date; we support that approach as a longer-term aspiration
for criminal justice policy.
Mediation
112. The Government is keen to encourage the
use of mediation. Two recent measures, the Practice Direction,
and the Government's Proposals for the Reform of Legal Aid
in England and Wales both seek to encourage the use of mediation,
the first amongst privately-funded parties and the second amongst
legally-aided parties. Increasing the use of mediation seeks
to reduce the burden on the court system, on Cafcass, and on
the legal aid budget. It also seeks to improve outcomes for families
by avoiding a long adversarial court process. However, mediation
will not work in all cases (as the Government accepts) and we
now consider how it can best be used.
CURRENT SYSTEM
113. In 1997 it was made compulsory for people
applying for legal aid for private family law cases to consider
mediation. However, parties who funded their legal proceedings
privately had no obligation to consider mediation. Evidence suggested
that many were not aware of the option (discussed further below).
This situation recently changed with the introduction of a new
Practice Direction.
PRACTICE DIRECTION
114. On 6 April 2011 Practice Direction 3aPre-Action
Protocol for Mediation came into effect. The Practice Direction
requires that any couple "considering applying" for
an order in the family courts must attend a "Mediation Information
and Assessment Meeting" (MIAM) about "family mediation
and other forms of alternative dispute resolution". If the
parties are willing to attend together the meeting may be conducted
jointly, but where necessary, separate meetings may be held.
The meeting is designed to cover all aspects of the divorce or
separation, not just arrangements for the child. The court will
ask whether a litigant has attended a meeting and "can require
that they do so before considering any application". The
Practice Direction does not define a mediator, but gives information
of where family mediators may be found. The Legal Services Commission
(LSC) sets minimum standards for publicly-funded mediators, however,
at present anyone can set themselves up as a privately-funded
mediator with no qualifications or training.
115. The Practice Direction sets out the circumstances
in which people do not have to consider mediation. These include
cases where the parties already have an agreement and are only
seeking a consent order, where the order is urgent due to a physical
threat to the child or where an allegation of domestic violence
has been made and this has resulted in a police investigation
or the issuing of civil proceedings for the protection of any
party within the last 12 months. This is a narrow definition
of domestic violence very similar to that originally proposed
in the Government's Proposals for the Reform of Legal Aid in
England and Wales. The Government subsequently broadened
the definition and included cases where there are safeguarding
concerns. The same broader definition should apply in this instance.
116. Parties are only required to attend a meeting
about mediation. Once they have been to the meeting, even if
the mediator believes they are excellent candidates for mediation,
they are free to go straight back to the court. Mediators can
set their own fee for the MIAM, the LSC rate being £130 for
a couple.
117. We heard evidence that in Australia the
increased use of mediation had led to delays for some families.[134]
However, the Minister told us that he did not believe that the
Practice Direction would lead to delay, because:
Even if someone goes for a mediation assessment,
if they want to be difficult, they can say, "I am not interested
in mediation." If that is the case, then the case goes immediately
to court. That is the reason for the assessment coming to an
end, if you like. I do not see this as being a cause of delay.
I only see this as a cause of cases being speeded up.[135]
118. We broadly welcome the
Practice Direction. The previous system, where people on legal
aid had to consider mediation but those who could afford to pay
their own fees did not, was patently unfair. The Practice Direction
will ensure that all parties have considered mediation, which
will reduce the burden on the courts. We also welcome the fact
that the Practice Direction is not limited to mediation but includes
other forms of dispute resolution.
119. We note that the Practice
Direction uses a definition of domestic violence similar to that
in the legal aid Green Paper. In its response to the consultation
on the Green Paper the Government adopted a broader definition
and encompassed safeguarding concerns. We recommend that the
Practice Direction is changed accordingly.
TRAINING
120. Publicly-funded mediators must be registered
with the Legal Services Commission which requires them to have:
- successfully completed the
competence assessment process managed by member organisations
of the Family Mediation Council; or
- be a practitioner member of the Law Society Family
Mediation Panel.
121. Non-publicly funded mediators do not need
any qualifications and are not registered. The Children's Commissioner
told us that:
[Mediators] do need to be registered and regulated.
They need to be held to account for what they do. You can't
just put your name on a card you've had printed at a motorway
service station and call yourself a mediator.[136]
However, that is exactly what the current rules allow
at the moment. The Minister told us that he had mixed views on
the current situation. He said that:
[People] may not want to go through the court system
or the public system at all. They may want to use their neighbour
as a mediator. This sort of thing happens in real life.[137]
122. However, he also said that:
What we are saying, though, is that there should
be higher levels for those who do go to mediators. There should
be an expectation of a certain quality. We are working on that
at the moment with the FMC [...] This is going to take time, but
it is something that is very much being concentrated on. I know
also that the professional bodies such as the Law Society are
very keen that this should happen as well. So I think we are
all heading in the same direction.[138]
123. Poorly trained mediators raise several areas
of concern:
- Failure to recognise child
protection concerns, leading to agreements which put children
at risk;
- One-sided or parent-focused agreements which
do not recognise the needs of the child (both discussed below);
- Mediators failing to realise quickly that a case,
for whatever reason, will not be resolved by mediation, leading
to higher costs for parents and delays for children ;
- Poorly mediated or unworkable agreements which
then break down. This wastes parents' money, causes delay, and
adds to the number of court cases;
- Poor quality mediation leading to a failure to
reach agreements where agreements would have been possible with
a better mediator. This leads to delays and unnecessary expense.
124. The 2007 NAO report (which looked at publicly-funded
mediators) found that 25% of clients were unhappy and complained
of mediators who "had not been good at his or her job, had
been rude, unsympathetic or inexperienced, had not been impartial,
made the client feel pressured and was unfair".[139]
125. The Interim Report said that:
Mediators [including privately-funded ones] should
at least meet the current requirements set by the Legal Services
Commission. These standards should themselves be reviewed in
the light of the new responsibilities being laid on mediators.
Mediators who do not currently meet the LSC standards should
be given a specified period in which to achieve them.[140]
126. Poor privately-funded mediation
is bad for parents (who have to pay for it), children (who are
impacted by the delays it causes and by agreements which do not
consider their needs) and also for the tax payer. While the tax
payer does not have to pay for the mediation, the public purse
bears the cost when mediation fails and cases reach court that
could have been resolved by better trained mediators. We are
very concerned that there are currently no minimum qualifications
for privately-funded mediators. We agree with the Interim Report
and recommend that privately-funded mediators should have to meet
the current requirements for legally aided mediators set by the
Legal Services Commission.
The effectiveness of mediation
127. We heard from many witnesses about the potential
benefits of mediation. Families need Fathers told us that "court
is often the worst place to decide who will care for children
and when. There is general agreement that mediation is a better
alternative and it can have more lasting results. Mediation can
play a central role, by helping to switch the culture from an
adversarial one to an approach that emphasises the need for agreement,
for the children's sake primarily".[141]
Nagalro (the Professional Association for Children's Guardians,
Family Court Advisers and Independent Social Workers) noted that
70% of those using state funded mediation reach an agreement,
and 59% thought they could negotiate further changes themselves.[142]
The In-Court Mediation for Family Disputes Research and Evaluation
Report[143] found
that 73% of those who underwent an assessment for mediation went
on to participate in mediation, with 71% who participated either
reaching a full agreement or narrowing the issues in dispute.
Gingerbread told us that:
In Australia, around two fifths of participants in
[family dispute resolution] or mediation said they had reached
agreement as part of the process. Just under a further third
of those said they later went on to sort out arrangements or were
in the process of doing so.[144]
128. National Audit Office (NAO) research in
2007 found that on average mediation cost £753 and took 110
days, while court cost £1,682 and took 435 days.[145]
In supplementary evidence, the MoJ supplied us with different
figures, saying that "mediation is often cheaper than going
to courtdata from Legal Aid cases show the average cost
per client of mediation is £535 compared to £2,823 for
cases going to court."[146]
Mediation can save the costs of Cafcass, the judiciary and the
court system, as well as the cost of legal aid. In addition to
the cost savings, Families Need Fathers stressed the importance
of the shortened time-frame for mediation saying that: "it
can minimise the opportunities for warring parents to use the
courts to ensure that a child sees little or nothing of their
ex-partner for long periods of time, often damaging the child
significantly."[147]
129. While the evidence we received was widely
supportive of the greater use of mediation, witnesses also drew
our attention to some of the less favourable evidence about the
longer-term effectiveness of mediation. The evidence for mediation
is complicated by the fact that mediation is voluntary. Parents
with a better relationship are more likely to mediate, and more
likely to reach an agreement. The trials that we examine below
did not involve control groups, and it is difficult to find comparable
data for non-mediated couples.
130. A 2006 Department of Constitutional Affairs
report looked at three different types of in-court mediation and
found that court mediation produced more agreements but parents
were less satisfied with the agreement and process:
Consistent with previous research, the overall agreement
rate was very high, with 76% of parents reporting a full or partial
agreement. [...] The model, and not the characteristics of the
case, determined the agreement rate..[...] Overall, only 62% of
parents were satisfied with the agreements they had reached.[148]
131. The study also followed up the families
after six months. It found that:
At follow up only a fifth of agreements had not worked
at all, most agreements were intact or had been extended, most
cases were closed with low relitigation rates, many more children
were having increased contact, more parents were satisfied with
the quantity and quality of contact and parents and children were
doing better than at baseline. [...]Despite these successes there
are some significant problems [...]Parental satisfaction and parent
and child wellbeing did improve from baseline to follow up, but
overall levels remain low. Only 59% of parents whose cases were
closed were satisfied with arrangements.[149]
132. The 2006 cohort were followed up by a second
2007 study two years after mediation. It noted that things has
deteriorated:
A majority of parents had required further professional
intervention and 40% had been involved in further litigation since
baseline. About 60% of baseline agreements had been dropped,
or had broken down, by the two year follow-up point. Changes
in baseline agreements appeared to be due to one or more of the
adults or children not supporting the agreement, rather than an
adaptive response to changed circumstances.[150]
133. The study found that the mediation process
did little to resolve underlying conflicts between parents or
improve their ability to communicatewith the consequence
that, despite contact taking place, child well-being had not improved
from initially poor levels. However, without having comparable
data from court cases it is difficult to know if court would have
produced better or worse outcomes for these families.
134. The 2007 NAO study noted that the agreement
rate between publicly-funded mediators varied considerably. Among
the ten firms of mediators doing most work for the Legal Services
Commission (LSC), each of which had undertaken more than 300 cases
between October 2004 and March 2006, the proportion of cases failing
to reach agreement ranged from 22% to 52%.[151]
Both high and low rates of agreement can be a concern: too high
a rate could suggest that parents are being pressured into agreements,
while too low could suggest that mediators are failing to help
parents reach an agreement where one might be possible.
135. In Australia there were also concerns about
the longer-term outcomes of mediation. In the short term court
filings had dropped by 22%: something that was "largely attributable"
to compulsory assessment for mediation. However, that now seemed
to be changing:
Those data were based on the years immediately after
the introduction of the reforms. Informal discussions that I have
had with the courts indicate that filings might be starting to
creep up. There was an immediate effect after the reforms that
perhaps is not going to be sustained to the same extent [...]:
It takes time for people to discover that they are not agreeing
and that they need to go to court. A period of 18 months to two
years after the reforms doesn't allow things to unfold in families
in the way that one might expect.[152]
Potential for greater use of
mediation
136. National Family Mediation said that the
total number of publicly-funded mediations for the period 2007-09
was approximately 13,000 p.a.[153]
In 2009 there were 137,480 children involved in private law cases
(some cases would have involved more than one child) as well as
divorce cases not involving children. National Family Mediation
said that there is little awareness of family mediation and "how
it can help" among parties. LSC research in 2010 found that
42% of privately-funded clients had not considered mediation,[154]
while NAO research in 2007 found that 14% of litigants were not
offered mediation and would have tried it if they had.[155]
Both these research projects suggested that the use of
mediation could be increased simply by increasing awareness of
it. National Family Mediation said that since the NAO report,
growth in publicly-funded mediation has been slow. Case numbers
have increased by approx 1,000 per year since the NAO report was
published.[156]
137. A large number of the submissions we received
were in favour of wider use of mediation. However, in almost
all cases this opinion was qualified. It was widely stated that
not all cases are suitable for mediation. This included the "obvious"
cases of domestic violence, safeguarding concerns (discussed below),
and forced marriage (where Foreign and Commonwealth Office guidance
prohibits mediation), but also a range of other more subjective
concerns for example:
- Where there was a power imbalance
between the parents;
- Where one parent was intransigent;
- Where there was a complete lack of trust between
the parties;
- Where one parent was denying all contact and
was using mediation to delay the case going to court.
138. The National Children's Bureau told us that:
many cases are not suitable for mediation, for example
where there has been alleged domestic violence or sexual abuse,
or even where relations have broken down to such an extent that
collaboration is not possible. Similarly, where contact is frustrated
it is often only the court's power to intervene that can ensure
compliance.[157]
139. The Family Law Bar Association supported
mediation but explained when it was appropriate and how it could
go wrong:
mediation will only be appropriate for partners in
equal relationships which are sufficiently amicable for productive
discussions to take place. Lengthy unproductive mediation can
run contrary to a family's interestsprolonging the disputes,
and raising tensions.[158]
Domestic violence, safeguarding
and the voice of the child
Domestic violence and safeguarding
140. Many of the cases which reach mediation
involve instances of domestic violence and/or safeguarding concerns.
Dr Lynne Harne has carried out extensive research into the impact
of domestic violence on the children of separating parents. She
noted in her written submission "much [...] abuse will not
have been disclosed either by the children themselves or by mothers
to agencies prior to separation because of fear of the perpetrator-parent,
or his family."[159]
Domestic violence has also been found to have an impact on a
child's desire for a relationship with the abusing parent, a finding
that militates against the usual assumption that a relationship
with both parents is in the best interests of the child. Dr Harne
observed that:
Children who have lived with ongoing violence for
most of their lives are unlikely to feel any emotional attachment
to the violent parent and feel only relief that they have separated
and wish to be able to live their lives without fear. Other children
may have conflicted feelings, but only desire contact when they
can be certain that their fathers have changed sufficiently so
that they and their mothers can be safe from the violence.[160]
141. The Private Law Programme provides for a
first hearing dispute resolution appointment, at which the judge,
and/or a Cafcass worker, will discuss with parties both the nature
of their dispute and whether it could be resolved by mediation.
At this meeting the court should also have information obtained
through safeguarding checks carried out by Cafcass, to ensure
that any agreement between the parties, or any dispute resolution
process selected, is in the interests of the child and safe for
all concerned. Cafcass checks are very thorough, as Dr Harne
explained in written evidence:
Cafcass officers are required to screen and make
initial safeguarding checks for all parents making applications
for contact or residence through seeking information from court
forms (which now ask questions about domestic violence and other
forms of harm) the police and children's social care services
and their own records and from other agencies where necessary.
[...] If risk/harm concerns are identified Cafcass officers must
then advise the court for the need of risk assessment to be undertaken
by Cafcass and possibly a S.7 welfare report.[161]
142. This can uncover concerns that the current
partner was not aware of (for example, if one parent had convictions
which predated the relationship). It could also uncover concerns
that the other parent was too afraid to mention, or concerns that
related to both parent which they had decided not to raise (for
example, police call outs for domestic violence by one or both
parents). The Practice Direction requires cases to go to a mediator
before they come to court and those safeguarding checks take place.
However, not all parents will share their safeguarding concerns
with a mediator.
143. We asked Jenny Clifton, Principal Policy
Adviser (Safeguarding), Office of the Children's Commissioner,
why there were no Cafcass checks when cases were referred to mediation
before they reached court:
if there are going to be more and more cases which
are kept out of court through other dispute resolutions, through
mediation and so on [...] there are various points at which there
is a high level of concern about violence and abuse in cases which
come on contested contact arrangements. We have to be sure that
people who are involved in earlier stages of the process are really
attentive to the safety issues for children and are experienced,
qualified and trained enough to recognise that and pick those
up at a very much earlier stage. I can't be confident about that
as yet.[162]
144. The Interim Report does not suggest that
Cafcass should carry out safeguarding checks before mediation.
However, it does suggest more training for mediators in identifying
safeguarding concerns and domestic violence, and that the assessment
for mediation should cover these issues. The Interim Report also
said that:
domestic violence should not automatically preclude
the use of dispute resolution. Domestic violence varies greatly
in its characteristics, and we have heard evidence that the mediation
process can successfully handle some cases that involve it.[163]
We heard that in Australia they were trying mediation
for families that have experienced domestic violence. Dr Rae Kaspiew
told us:
The Government have funded a pilot programme that
is being applied where there has been family violence. It is
called co-ordinated family dispute resolution. That is quite
a novel pilot that the Institute is involved in evaluating. The
pilot is only just starting, but that initiative is evidence of
the fact that our policy makers are in search of different models
for different types of families that will meet their needs in
different circumstances.[164]
VOICE OF THE CHILD
145. Some witnesses told us that the voice of
the child is not always heard adequately in mediation. Doing
so is complicated by the fact that the children involved in many
private law cases are very young. Research by Joan Hunt on the
ages of children in private law proceedings found that 46% of
children were under 5 years at the date of application. This
does not mean that they are too young to have a view, or for that
view to be taken into account, but it does make establishing and
understanding their views, or involving them in mediation more
problematic.[165]
146. Article 3 of the UN Convention on the Rights
of the Child requires that in all actions concerning children,
including in courts of law, administrative authorities and legislative
bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration.
Article 12 of the Convention gives children the right to have
their views taken into account before any decision is made that
affects their welfare. Involving children in mediation (or ensuring
that their views are taken into account) is important to ensure
that the agreement is in the child's best interests and takes
account of their views. This can also be a vital factor in the
success of a mediated agreement. Academic research has identified
children not supporting agreements as one of the reasons why they
break down.[166] Mr
Justice Ryder told us about the difference that hearing the voice
of the child could make:
[Parents] often forget that football is on a Saturday
afternoon. They often forget that the dancing lesson is on a
Wednesday night or that there is homework to be done. Their own
issues completely overwhelm the child, and to hear what the child
says can sometimes be very cathartic indeed.[167]
147. The Children's Commissioner told us how
she felt that mediation could be helpful for children if they
were involved, something she did not feel happened enough currently:
When children talk to us [...]they say, "I'm
scared it is my fault." Really good mediation that could
help them to work their way through, in the same way as mediation
aims to help adults through the difficulties, would be another
string to the bow of the family justice system. It isn't at the
moment.[168]
148. Publicly-funded mediators who meet children
have to have specialist training. However, not all publicly-funded
mediators have this training, and therefore not all meet children.
Research has shown that the extent of children's involvement
in mediation varies.[169]
We did not receive any definitive figures on how many mediators
currently meet children. The Children's Commissioner told us
that children were often not involved at present:
at the moment mediation is a very adult process.
The two sides of the adult war use mediation. I am not quite
sure how many mediators ever find the time or have the training
to listen to the children.[170]
149. The NSPCC felt that more could be done to
involve children. It recommended that:
In all "suitable" cases, mediators meet
directly with children to ascertain their wishes and feelings.
Mediators are specifically trained in how to determine
the appropriate extent of a child's direct involvement in mediations,
and how best to ascertain children's wishes and feelings.
Further steps are taken to communicate to children
that their wishes and feelings are being listened to, even if
it is not appropriate for them to be directly involved in the
mediation.[171]
150. The Minister told us that he thought that
children might actually be better heard through mediation:
The current guidelines that mediators follow have
very specific proposals for how a child should be dealt with within
mediation. They very much highlight the importance of the child.
Indeed, within a mediation, the mediator will engage the child
in the mediation. I would go so far as to say that, from everything
that I have seen, a child is more likely to be given a fair hearing
in the less formal atmosphere of a mediationwhich for a
child is obviously very importantthan is the case for a
court process. Obviously, there are exceptions. If violence
is involved and so forth, that might not be the case and court
might be the way to go. In a normal situation, I would say that
the voice of the child would be heard in just as fair a fashion,
if not more so, through mediation rather than going through the
courts.[172]
151. Hearing the voice of the
child during mediation is vital. It is also important to ensure
that agreements do not break down. We welcome that fact that
LSC mediators need qualifications to meet children. However,
we are concerned by evidence that some mediators do not see children.
Children should be able to meet mediators or otherwise be involved
in mediation and have their views taken into account, where they
so wish. In cases where children have not been involved in the
mediation process, steps must be taken by the mediator to ensure
that the agreement is in their best interests, and that they are
kept informed about what is happening.
152. There is clear evidence
that mediation can be effective, with a high proportion of parties
reaching agreements or narrowing the issues in dispute. This
avoids the use of the courts, with considerable savings for legal
aid, Cafcass and the courts service. It can also be faster and
less traumatic for families. We therefore share the Government's
belief that there is scope for greater use of mediation. However,
in developing its policies on the use of mediation, the Government
needs to recognise that: some types of mediation appear more effective
than others, and it is imperative that scarce public funds are
used to best effect; and mediators need to be professionally trained
and know how to recognise and handle sensitive cases where there
are accusations of domestic violence or safeguarding concerns.
We call on the MoJ, in its response to this Report, or sooner,
to spell out how those principles will inform the greater use
of mediation which is it seeking to encourage.
Proposed changes to legal aid
153. The Government's Proposals for the Reform
of Legal Aid in England and Wales said "we are proposing
that legal aid be retained for family mediation in private law
family cases, including private law children and family proceedings
and ancillary relief proceedings. This will generally apply to
cases where domestic violence is not present, but even in those
cases where domestic violence is present, we intend to offer support
through family mediation, as some couples may still be able to
obtain value from the mediation process."[173]
The Government estimated that 210,000 litigants in the family
courts will no longer receive legal help and 53,800 will no longer
receive representation. Some provision has been made for an increase
in demands on mediation services: "initial analysis estimates
that 3,300 more mediations might be provided, at a total additional
cost of approximately £5 million."[174]
154. The Minister told us that:
We have no maximum number of mediations that we will
permit...The more mediation the better as far as we are concerned
and we will fund it. If someone is currently eligible for legal
aid, they will be eligible, if our proposals come into effect,
for mediation.[175]
He went on to say that:
I think the variation [in projected costs] is £5
million to £7 million. At £7 million, that would still
be fine within our savings projections. Indeed, it is the right
thing to do because this Government support mediation and support
it as a form of early intervention. It is better to get to the
cases earlier and deal with the problems, not least in terms of
the interests of the families and children involved, with early
non-conflict resolution rather than long drawn-out court cases.[176]
155. The MoJ said in supplementary evidence that
the 3,300 predicted mediations and £5-7 million projected
costs:
were initial assessments, based on increases in both
the proportion of cases entering mediation and the proportion
of those cases that reach agreement. My officials are now updating
these assessments in light of consultation responses. [...]
We would expect the number of publicly-funded parties
who would be willing to try mediation to be higher than the number
of cases that reach agreement as some cases may not be suitable
for mediation, in some cases the other party may not be willing
to engage in mediation, and some clients that enter mediation
may not reach agreement.[177]
Following the legal aid consultation, the Government
subsequently revised upwards its estimate of the likely additional
take-up of mediations to 10,000 and said this would cost £10
million, rather than the earlier estimate of £5-7 million.
156. We are concerned that the
Government may not have budgeted for enough additional mediations
in its legal aid proposals. With more than 200,000 people losing
eligibility for legal help and representation, the Department's
prediction that only 10,000 extra mediations will be required
seems low (albeit more realistic than their initial estimate of
3,300). We welcome the Government's assurance that it will pay
for mediation for all eligible people. However, to help manage
the Department's budget we call on it to re-examine the figures
and bring forward more realistic estimates.
Interim Report
Towards compulsory mediation?
157. The Interim Report is in favour of greater
use of mediation. Going further than the Practice Direction, the
Interim Report argues that not only should the parties have to
meet with a mediator for an assessment but they should then have
to attend a Separated Parents Information Programme.[178]
Those who do not wish to mediate will need to return to the mediation
assessor to obtain a certificate to enable them to apply to court.
158. The Interim Report says that:
Where a mediator considers that one parent is using
the assessment and information process to extend and delay proceedings,
to the detriment of the other parent and possibly the child, the
mediator would issue a certificate for court under a general heading
of the kind allowed in Australia.[179]
The exemptions certificate in Australia covers issues
such as:
a) a history of family violence (if any) among the
parties;
b) the likely safety of the parties;
c) the equality of bargaining power among the parties;
d) the risk that the child may suffer abuse;
e) the emotional, psychological and physical health
of the parties; and
f) any other matter that the family dispute resolution
practitioner considers relevant to the proposed family dispute
resolution.
159. The Interim Report does not seem to be completely
clear about whether parents can choose not to mediate. On one
hand it says parents can ask for a certificate because they "do
not wish to mediate" but then the reason given for a mediator
granting that certificate seem quite specific. In part that would
depend on the guidance given to mediators as to where one or both
parties wanting to go to court would qualify as "any other
matter" under section (f). The Interim Report states that:
[We] would anticipate that only those cases where
an exemption is raised by a professional based, for example, on
welfare concerns, would proceed directly to the court process.[180]
However, it then goes on to acknowledge that "attendance
at dispute resolution cannot be compulsory, unlike the assessment
[...], but the aim must be that this becomes normality."
160. The Interim Report is walking
a fine line between strongly encouraging the use of mediation,
and making it compulsory for those who do not qualify for an exemption.
Given the mixed evidence around the effectiveness of mediation,
especially in difficult cases, we cannot support it being made
compulsory. We call on the Family Justice Panel to clarify that
while attendance at Information Meeting or Assessment for Mediation
sessions and a Separated Parenting Programme should be compulsory
(with some limited exemptions), all parents should be free to
apply to the court after those have taken place.
102 Judicial and Courts Statistics 2009 Back
103
Q 272 Back
104
The 'Baby Peter effect' and the increase in s31 care order
applications, Executive Summary, Cafcass, 2009 Back
105
Q 323 Back
106
Ev 200 Back
107
Ev w103 Back
108
Ev w112 Back
109
Ev w103 Back
110
Q 90 Back
111
Ev 180 Back
112
Using Family Group Conferences for children who are, or may
become, subject to public law care proceedings; A guide for Courts,
Lawyers, Cafcass and Cafcass Cymru officers and Child Care Practitioners.
Developed by the Family Rights Group in consultation with the
Family Group Conference Network. Endorsed by Cafcass and the Family
Justice Council, October 2008. Back
113
Ev 126 Back
114
Ev w103 Back
115
Ibid. Back
116
The 'Baby Peter effect' and the increase in s31 care order
applications Back
117
Ev 200 Back
118
Interim Report, p 130 Back
119
Ev 200 Back
120
Blackwell, A and Dawe, F. (2003): Non-resident parent contact.
London, ONS 2003; Office for National Statistics (2008) Omnibus
Survey Report No. 38. Non-resident parental contact, 2007/8 A
report on research using the National Statistics Omnibus Survey
produced on behalf of the Ministry of Justice and the Department
for Children, Schools and Families Back
121
Ev w92 Back
122
Trinder, L., Connolly, J., Kellett, J., Notley, A Profile
of Applicants and Respondents in Contact Cases in Essex. (2005) Back
123
Outcomes of applications to court for contact orders after
parental separation or divorce, Briefing Note, Joan Hunt and
Alison Macleod. Back
124
Q 93 Back
125
Ev 129 Back
126
Ibid. Back
127
Q 94 Back
128
Department for Work and Pensions is the lead department but the
proposals were developed jointly with the Ministry of Justice
and the Department for Education. Back
129
Strengthening families, promoting parental responsibility:
the future of child maintenance, Department for Work and Pensions,
2011 Back
130
Interim Report, p 169 Back
131
http://blogs.channel4.com/factcheck/update-how-safe-is-sure-start/5578 Back
132
Q 87 Back
133
Ev w72 Back
134
Q 362 Back
135
Q 304 Back
136
Q 393 Back
137
Q 309 Back
138
Qq 309-11 Back
139
National Audit Office, Legal Services Commission: Legal aid
and mediation for people involved in family breakdown, Report
by the Comptroller and Auditor General 256, Session 2006-2007,
2 March 2007 Back
140
Interim Report, p 23 Back
141
Ev 90 Back
142
Ev 144 Back
143
In-court mediation for family disputes: Research and evaluation
report of in-court mediation trial, 2010, Legal Services Commission
Back
144
Ev 129 Back
145
National Audit Office, Legal Services Commission: Legal aid
and mediation for people involved in family breakdown, Report
by the Comptroller and Auditor General 256, Session 2006-2007,
2 March 2007 Back
146
Ev 198 Back
147
Ev 90 Back
148
Making contact happen or making contact work? The process and
outcomes of in-court conciliation, Liz Trinder, Jo
Connolly, Joanne Kellett, Caitlin Notley and Louise Swift, 2006 Back
149
Ibid. Back
150
The longer-term outcomes of in-court conciliation, Liz
Trinder & Joanne Kellett, University of East Anglia, Ministry
of Justice Research Series, 15/07, November 2007 Back
151
National Audit Office, Legal Services Commission: Legal aid
and mediation for people involved in family breakdown, Report
by the Comptroller and Auditor General 256, Session 2006-2007,
2 March 2007 Back
152
Qq 558-9 Back
153
Ev w131 Back
154
In-court mediation for family disputes: Research and evaluation
report of in-court mediation trial Back
155
National Audit Office, Legal Services Commission: Legal aid
and mediation for people involved in family breakdown, Report
by the Comptroller and Auditor General, 256, Session 2006-2007,
2 March 2007 Back
156
Ev w131 Back
157
Ev w79 Back
158
Ev w92 Back
159
Ev 145 Back
160
Ev 113 Back
161
Ev 115 Back
162
Q 396 Back
163
Interim Report, p 175 Back
164
Q 361 Back
165
Hunt and Macleod (2008) Outcomes of applications to court for
contact orders after parental separation or divorce, Ministry
of Justice Back
166
The longer-term outcomes of in-court conciliation, Liz
Trinder & Joanne Kellett, University of East Anglia, Ministry
of Justice Research Series, 15/07, November 2007 Back
167
Q 193 Back
168
Q 393 Back
169
Liz Trinder, Jo Connolly, Joanne Kellett, Caitlin Notley and Louise
Swift, 2006 Back
170
Q 393 Back
171
Ev 126 Back
172
Q 308 Back
173
Government's Proposals for the Reform of Legal Aid in England
and Wales, Cm 7967, 2011, Ministry of Justice Back
174
Ibid Back
175
Q 302 Back
176
Q 303 Back
177
Ev 198 Back
178
Interim Report, p 23 Back
179
Ibid, p 174 Back
180
Interim Report, p 23 Back
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