Written evidence from Barnardo's (FC 38)
THE OPERATION OF THE FAMILY COURTS
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Barnardo's works with more than 100,000 children,
young people and their families in 415 specialised projects in
communities across the UK. Barnardo's works with children in care
through 24 fostering and adoption services; 15 support services
for young people leaving care; six services providing children's
rights and advocacy for children in care and three residential
special schools.
1.2 This paper refers to England and Wales and
focuses on delay in the family courts in care proceedings. Although
this is not explicitly included in the terms of reference for
this inquiry, we believe it is an area where urgent reform in
the working of the family courts is necessary to improve outcomes
for vulnerable children. Our response includes some analysis of
the role of CAFCASS in respect of the appointment of guardians
and delay.
2. SUMMARY
2.1 There are currently unprecedented delays
in the family courts which are having a devastating impact on
vulnerable children. The overall average for completion of care
proceedings is around 51 weeks - almost a year of a child's life.
In some courts cases are taking up to 65 weeks. The delays are
part of a five year long deterioration in the timeliness of court
decision making.
2.2 The uncertainty and instability caused by
delay can have can have long term and irreversible consequences
for a child's development by damaging the ability to form positive
attachments. This often results in multiple problems in adolescence
and later life. Two months of delay in making decisions
in the best interest of a child equates to 1% of childhood that
cannot be restored. In addition, delay significantly raises the
costs associated with child care proceedings.
2.3 There are a number of factors causing the
delays; but Barnardo's is particularly concerned about the sequential
requesting of additional expert assessments and the lack of confidence
that the courts have in evidence provided by social workers -
as highlighted in the recent Plowden Review of Court Fees in Child
Care Proceedings.
2.4 This submission sets out a number of measures
that could be taken to tackle the delays. Critically, strong political
and judicial leadership is urgently needed in the short term to
highlight the impact of delay on children and ensure immediate
action is taken to tackle the unprecedented delays.
3. FAMILY COURT
DELAYSKEY
TRENDS AND
FACTS
3.1 Data from Parliamentary
Questions that Barnardo's asked Annette Brooke MP to table earlier
this year shows that in 2008-09 the average time taken for care
proceedings was 45 weeks in the Family Proceedings (magistrates)
courts and 57 weeks in the county court.[46]
This means that the overall average is around 51 weeks - almost
a year of a child's life.
3.2 In
the county court, where in general the more complex cases are
heard, only two out of 18 HM Court Service areas completed care
proceedings in less than a year (52 weeks).Three court areas took
more than 60 weeks to complete court orders. These were London
(65); West Midlands and Warwickshire (64); Cumbria and Lancashire
(61).
3.3 In
the family proceedings court only three areas completed care proceedings
in less than 40 weeks ie less than nine months. Three out of 18
areas took 50 weeks or more ie nearly a year or longer to complete
care proceedings. These were South East Wales (50); London (50);
Cheshire and Merseyside (56 weeks).
3.4 Data
prior to 2008-09 is only available for the county court. It shows
that the average time has increased since 2005-06 from 51 to 57
weeks and that in 2008-09 cases took longer than in any of the
previous five years.
3.5 The
number of open cases in the system gives a further indication
of delay. Figures set out in response to the parliamentary questions
show that at the end of 2009 there were 12,994 open care cases
in the courts. This is almost 50% more than at the end of 2008
when there were 8,677 cases open. According to CAFCASS, in England
new applications account for less than half of this increase.
3.6 The
current level of delay is far greater than it has ever been and
cases are taking longer than ever envisaged. Unpublished work
- carried out prior to the General Election 2010 by what were
then Department of Children, Schools and Families officials -
notes that in 1993 the average duration of proceedings was 26
weeks When the Children Act 1989 was first implemented Government
agreed that 12 weeks would be a desirable timescale.
4. THE CONSEQUENCES
OF DELAY
4.1 The
uncertainty and instability caused by delay can have long term
and irreversible consequences for a child's development by damaging
their ability to form positive attachments. This often results
in multiple problems in adolescence and later life. Two months
of delay in making decisions in the best interest of a child equates
to 1% of childhood that cannot be restored.
4.2 Barnardo's
emergency foster carers often highlight the negative impact on
the children they look after. For example, Helen, an emergency
foster carer for Barnardo's, says: "I can't answer Tom's
questions. He wants me to make him promises about what is going
to happen but I can't, it's very difficult to know what to tell
him. He has such little concept of time it's hard to explain that
we have to wait and see because a week feels like a lifetime to
him".
4.3 Research
based on interviews with social workers has found that the longer
a case goes on the more likely children will be subject to placement
changes, multiple assessments, change of social workers and complex
family contact arrangements.[47]
This causes tremendous stress for the child contributing to further
emotional harm. One example from the research is the case of Michael:
"Michael was just under two when he was removed
from home on an Emergency Protection Order (EPO). A full care
order was not made on him until over two years later, when he
was four years and four months old. However, it was another year
and a half before he was placed with an adoptive family. He went
through eleven placement changes between the first EPO and adoption.
If we disregard short respite breaks, this figure reduced to
seven changes involving five sets of carers. During the proceedings,
he was involved in parenting skills assessments at two different
family centres, he was seen by a psychiatrist and was involved
in six sessions with a social worker from an adoption team to
explore his understanding and wishes, and he had three different
allocated social workers. His experience included him being placed
in the care of his father and his father's partner on a trial
basis, this arrangement breaking down, and then again being placed
with his father and his father's partner some ten months later,
only for this also to break down in the same way".
4.4 It
is also important to note that the chances of finding a permanent
placement are severely diminished the longer a case drifts on.
It is well established from research that delay reduces the chances
of finding a permanent adoptive family.[48]
4.5 In
some cases children will be allowed to remain in the home if there
is not an immediate concern about their welfare or safety, which
is often the situation in cases of chronic neglect. They might
then be subject to further distress and enduring damage. This
was highlighted by Sir Mark Potter, who stood down earlier this
year after nearly five years as president of the family division
in England and Wales, when he told the Guardian in June 2010
that: "Delays are causing children to be left for a considerable
proportion of their early lives in atmospheres of violence, high
emotion and parental dispute which, if prolonged, is bound to
interfere with their long-term development and give rise to problems
in adolescence and later life".[49]
4.6 In
addition to the devastating consequences of delays on children
there are also significant financial costs. Case studies examined
in the Plowden review of court fees, published in March 2010,
show that those which last more than a year cost between £65,000
and £95,000 whereas cases that are resolved in a timely manner
cost approximately half or a third less.[50]
This indicates that improvements in the timeliness of court proceedings
would lead to substantial savings. Furthermore, Barnardo's understands
that the Legal Services Commission estimates that spend on assessments
has nearly doubled in five years from £15 million in 2004-05
to £28 million in 2008-09.[51]
5. THE CAUSES
OF DELAY
5.1 Barnardo's family placement staff are concerned
that the courts routinely order further assessments from experts
causing unnecessary delays. This has also been highlighted in
recent academic research[52]
and the Plowden Review also reported that: "There was an
almost universal view from local authorities that many judges
and magistrates are too willing to accede to requests for additional
assessments from the other parties, imposing costs on both local
authorities and the legal aid budget."[53]
Furthermore, the Ministry of Justice has reported that: "There
has been a substantial increase in the number of experts instructed
in each case despite cases remaining very similar from one year
to the next."[54]
5.2 There is also a widespread concern, highlighted
by Barnardo's family placement staff, that the courts do not give
sufficient credence to evidence provided by social workers in
court. This view is supported by research: "The low status
and lack of confidence in social workers professional expertise
meant that their recommendations were sometimes given little weight
by the courts, which preferred to delay proceedings to wait for
an 'expert' opinion".[55]
These research findings have been backed up recently by the Plowden
report which noted: "There was a widespread view that assessments
completed by social workers were not being recognised by the court
and therefore further - and sometimes duplicated - assessments
were commissioned during proceedings, adding delay".[56]
5.3 As well as the two factors already noted,
which are of particular concern to our family placement services,
Barnardo's recognises that the causes of delay are complex and
are a result of the interplay of a number of additional factors.
These include the following which have been highlighted in Government
commissioned research:[57]
ineffective
case management;
scarcity
of judicial resources;
variation
in quality of legal representation;
late
allocation of the children's guardian and/or lack of a guardian
report;
alternative
kinship carers emerging late in proceedings;
missing
or incomplete core assessments;
complex
issues (such as drug and alcohol rehabilitation) taking longer
to address and test in the community; and
regional
variation in practice.
5.4 Most recently the rise in care applications
reported by CAFCASS - a 34% increase between 2008-09 and 2009-10[58]
- is also contributing to current delays with cases waiting long
periods for guardians to be allocated. However the 2008-09 figures
set out above will not reflect the full impact of the post Baby
Peter case rises.
5.5 The current problems faced by CAFCASS are
both a cause and a symptom of the continuing long delays. Delay
is exacerbating the difficulties faced by CAFCASS in providing
guardians, whilst the shortage of guardians is exacerbating delays.
However it is not the only or most significant factor - the use
of assessments is also of considerable concern. The longer a case
goes on the more assessments are ordered and the more work the
appointed guardian is expected to devote to any one case. Thus,
the opportunity to appoint a guardian to a new case is impeded
by working full time on cases which have not closed. If delays
could be reduced and more cases closed more guardian time would
be available for other cases.
6. PROPOSED REFORMS
6.1 Barnardo's primary concern is that the chronic
delays which have existed in the family courts for many years
are unnecessarily damaging the welfare of vulnerable children.
The Children Act 1989 sets out that the welfare of the child is
the paramount consideration and that "in any proceedings
in which any question with respect to the upbringing of a child
arises, the court shall have regard to the general principle that
any delay in determining the question is likely to prejudice the
welfare of the child".[59]
The courts appear to have lost sight of the damage that delay
causes to children. In our view decisions must be taken within
timescales that meet the child's needs and ensures that the child's
welfare is paramount as set out in the 1989 Act.
6.2 Barnardo's believes that all cases should
be dealt with in less than 30 weeks (seven months) with a tiered,
fast track target of 12 weeks for children under 18 months. We
would like to see the introduction of highly skilled assessment
teams to ensure the fast tracking of cases that involves very
young children who are clearly at high risk. We recognise that
this has resource implications but at the same time there are
substantial savings to be made by reducing the current level of
delay.
6.3 Based on our service delivery experience
we would like to see an entitlement to family group conferencing[60]
for all children and families prior to care proceedings. This
would assist in ensuring the early identification and consideration
of kinship carers and therefore contribute to reducing delays
in court.
6.4 It is also our experience that relationships
between court staff and children's social care are not as effective
as they could be which contributes to a lack of mutual understanding.
In our view special forums should exist to allow informed dialogue
between the legal and social work professions to ensure there
is greater confidence in social workers' professional expertise.
6.5 It is imperative that all parties involved
in the family court decision making process have a full understanding
of the impact of delay on child development. We are concerned
that currently this is not the case and would like to see the
implementation of high quality training for all court staff to
improve their understanding of the impact of delay on child development.
6.6 There also needs to be more effective case
management and local ownership and monitoring of performance.
Lessons should be learned from the experiences and improvements
in reducing delay in the criminal courts from the implementation
of Criminal Justice: Simple, Speedy, Summary (CJSSS) which achieved
a 70% reduction in extra hearings and the time from start to finish
of cases was halved. The cost savings were also substantial. A
key driver was the leadership from the senior judiciary and local
implementation and ownership of performance measures.
6.7 Barnardo's recognises that current workload
pressures and staffing problems within many children's services
have a knock on effect on the family court system. This is reflected
in the fact that missing core assessments are one of the contributory
factors to delay. However, we believe that despite this far more
could be done to address the various causes of delay.
6.8 Finally, we welcome the decision to set up
a Family Justice Review to take a fundamental look at reforming
the system and we will be submitting evidence to the review. However,
we believe there are more immediate steps, as we have set out
in this submission, which should to be taken to address the current
unprecedented delays. Critically, strong political and judicial
leadership is urgently needed in the short term to highlight the
devastating impact of delay on children and ensure immediate action
is taken to tackle the unprecedented delays.
September 2010
46 House of Commons, Written Answers 3 June 2010 ,
Col. 54W Back
47
Beckett and McKeigue (2003) Children in limbo: cases where
court decisions have taken two years or more. Adoption &
Fostering Vol. 27 2003; Beckett and McKeigue (2009) Objects
of concern: caring for Children during Care Proceedings, British
Journal of Social Work Back
48
Sinclair, I et al (2007) The Pursuit of Permanence: A study
of the English Child Care System, London: Jessica Knightly. Back
49
The Guardian 6 June 2010, http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2010/jun/06/sir-mark-potter-interview
Back
50
Plowden, F (2010) Review of Court Fees in Child Care Proceedings,
London: Ministry of Justice Back
51
Correspondence with then Department of Children, Schools and Families
officials Back
52
Selwyn, J et al, (2008) Pathways to permanence for black, Asian
and mixed ethnicity children, London: DCSF http://www.education.gov.uk/research/data/uploadfiles/DCSF-RBX-13-08(V2).pdf
; Selwyn, J et al (2009) Adoption and the Interagency fee,
Sheffield: DCSF http://www.education.gov.uk/research/data/uploadfiles/DCSF-RR149.pdf
Back
53
Plowden, F (2010) Review of Court Fees in Child Care Proceedings,
London: Ministry of Justice Back
54
Ministry of Justice (2010) Establishment of a system-wide target
for reducing unnecessary delay in care and supervision proceedings Back
55
Ward et al (2003) Outcomes for Looked After Children: Life
Pathways and Decision Making for Very Young Children in Care or
Accommodation, Loughborough: Centre for Child and Family Research;
Dickens, Back
56
Plowden, F (2010) Review of Court Fees in Child Care Proceedings,
London: Ministry of Justice Back
57
Department for Constitutional Affairs and Department for Education
and Skills (2006) Review of the Child Care Proceedings System
in England and Wales; Jessiman, P, Keogh, P and Brophy, J
(2009) An early process evaluation of the Public Law Outline
in family courts, London: Ministry of Justice Back
58
CAFCASS (2010) Care Applications Continue to Rise, press
release May 2010 http://www.cafcass.gov.uk/pdf/Quarter%204%20care%20applications%20FINAL%20Press%20release.pdf
Back
59
Section 1 (1) and (2) Children Act 1989 Back
60
A Family Group Conference is a decision making and planning process
where the wider family group makes plans and decisions for children
and young people who have been identified either by the family
or by service providers as being in need of a plan that will safeguard
and promote their welfare. Back
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