The role of the Probation Service - Justice Committee Contents


Updated supplementary written evidence from the Probation Association (PB 68)

1.  The Probation Association is the membership organisation representing the interests of the 35 probation trusts which employ the 21,000 probation staff in England and Wales.

2.  Trusts are Non Departmental Public Bodies sponsored by the Ministry of Justice comprising a non-executive chair and at least four other non-executive members appointed by the Secretary of State. Each trust board is contracted by the Secretary of State to deliver services within a defined geographical area. Each trust employs all local probation staff. Trust boards are expected to demonstrate leadership and good governance and to take a commercial approach to their business.

3.  On behalf of the trusts the Association:

—  undertakes national collective bargaining on terms and conditions of employment for all employees of probation trusts;

—  promotes the interests of the 35 trusts to central government and other partners; and

—  provides advice and guidance to trusts on their employer and governance responsibilities.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

4.  There is clear evidence from the Total Place (TP) pilots that the devolved governance of public services located at the right spatial level results in better value for money. Place based budgets (PBB) are part of this coherent, tested concept whereas payment by results (PBR) is as yet an untested tool. However, PBR and PBR are not mutually exclusive and PBR could become a selectively valid feature of a PBB model.

5.  PBB has more to offer than payment by results in the drive for better outcomes in relation to reduced reoffending. Crime is caused by many inter-related factors and these are most effectively tackled when all agencies in a locality work collaboratively, drawing on their respective strengths and pooling budgets to deal with the problems that are prevalent in their area. PBR should be reserved to tackle very specific issues and be commissioned through local agencies as part of their place-based approach.

6.  The probation trust is the obvious vehicle through which reductions in reoffending should be achieved. Trusts can do this most effectively when they work to an outcomes based contract with the Secretary of State and collaborate with local partners. Best results will be achieved when trusts are freed from current over-regulation and financial disincentives.

7.  To maximise locally prioritised outcomes, deliver value for money and minimise risk, only probation trusts should hold court orders and be responsible for their supervision. Introducing new players as "lead providers" will create fragmentation and critical gaps in communication and liaison. A reward system should be introduced to keep trusts motivated to seek best results at least cost.

What are the relative merits of payment by results (PBR) and place-based budgeting (PBB) models as means to encourage local statutory partnerships and other agencies to reduce re-offending?

8.  There is clear evidence from the 13 TP pilots (see HM Treasury's report Total Place: a whole area approach to public services) that the devolved governance of public services located at the right spatial level results in better value for money. PBB is a fundamental element of the TP methodology which has now iteratively developed into pilots focussed on Families with Multiple Needs based from 1 April 2011 in 16 Places covering 31 local authorities and 11 probation trusts.

9.  Seven of the TP pilots were focussed on aspects of crime reduction with probation staff playing a major part in their implementation. The concept of "Place" has in a very short period resonated through probation trusts giving substance to the reality of probation as a national service delivered locally working collaboratively with other Responsible Authority (RA) and co-commissioning services.

10.  The Local Government Association publication Place-based budgets: the future governance of local public services provides a summary of the potential of PBB.

11.  PBB:

—  enables responsibility for commissioning to rest with locally accountable bodies, increasing the likelihood that services will be responsive to the communities they serve;

—  allows the geographical dimensions of the place for which the services are provided to be determined according to what makes most sense locally;

—  encourages all services in the place to work together to deliver results, drawing on their diverse resources and strengths for the collective good;

—  focuses on the place and its needs, rather than organisations and their activities, creating a solutions and outcomes orientation;

—  promotes the flexible use of pooled budgets to deliver outcomes;

—  can be responsive to changing needs. The local partners can by agreement adapt their activities and targets, albeit respecting accountability requirements, as local circumstances change; and

—  supports a holistic approach to problem solving. The causes of crime are rarely one-dimensional and PBB enables integrated, multi-agency solutions to be developed. Criminal justice agencies need help from other partners to be fully effective.

12.  Its disadvantages are:

—  the risk that activity rather than outcomes dominate because of the need to coordinate and direct many agencies in working together; and

—  that there may be few penalties for not achieving outcomes unless the bodies to whom the partners are accountable are prepared to be robust in holding them to account. It may be difficult to pinpoint where the responsibility lies for a failure to produce results.

13.  PBR is designed to deliver pre-set outcomes through a contract. It thus has the advantages of:

—  clarity about what is required;

—  outcomes which have to be tangible and measurable;

—  payment only being made when contracted for outcomes are delivered;

—  possibly being more likely that PBB to attract investment from the private sector because of the clarity of how financial rewards can be earned; and

—  makes delivering results an over-riding imperative because of the "no win—no fee" basis of the contract.

14.  Its disadvantages are that:

—  the complex causes of offending and what works to prevent it are difficult to reflect in a contract-based, cash-for-results relationship. Only the easiest to achieve outcomes may be amenable to PBR because providers will only risk entering a PBR contract where there is a reasonable likelihood of securing payment;

—  as with other approaches that are heavily target-based it may drive perverse behaviour as the need to produce evidence of results dominates;

—  it is relatively inflexible and unresponsive to changing requirements; and

—  it tends to focus on a single issue in order to enable targets and rewards to be clearly expressed.

What results should determine payment in applying such a model to criminal justice?

15.  Measures of success in criminal justice are of three types. Each is measured in relation to individual offenders and data aggregated to report results for chosen populations:

—  the headline outcome measure of reduced reoffending. This is problematic to measure absolutely but the proxy measure of reduced rates of reconviction (usually after 12 months following the end of a community order or licence) is used instead. Refinements include reduced seriousness and/ or reduced frequency;

—  probation staff regularly measure offenders' progress against those factors known to have a causative association with offending and desistance from it, e.g. educational or vocational qualification, employment, accommodation, substance misuse; and

—  changes in attitude measured through self-reporting and/or professional assessment.

16.  Probably only the first two are capable of measurement through PBR. The Probation Association and the Probation Chiefs Association are about to publish a joint report setting out a recommended framework for the measurement of probation performance (Contract Outcomes—facing the right direction?). The near final draft is attached for information. As well as summarising an approach it discusses some of the technical issues around measuring progress and achievement in reducing reoffending: these would apply particularly to PBR.

17.  We believe there is a place for PBR. However, PBR based programmes should be managed within multi-agency PBB arrangements, enabling local partners to target specific issues, where they lend themselves to a PBR approach, in support of their overall aims.

18.  We also consider that probation trusts should be rewarded for achievement against the requirements set out in their contracts with the Secretary of State. Our original submission to this Committee discusses our position and see also paragraph 21 below.

What freedoms would probation trusts like to have to enable them to manage offenders and reduce reoffending more effectively?

19.  Probation trusts should be contracted to deliver outcomes, leaving probation staff to decide what professional practice will produce the right results. The current contract between the Secretary of State and trusts consequently needs reform so that it deals less with inputs and process and focuses more on required results. The joint paper from the Probation Association and the Probation Chiefs Association (referred to in paragraph 16 above) sets out our recommended framework.

20.  Trusts need to be freed to be efficient, entrepreneurial and innovative. In addition to a revised contract they need:

—  the ability to retain income earned from sources (eg local authorities) other than the Secretary of State;

—  the ability to carry forward unspent money at the financial year-end; and

—  a proportionate regulatory regime. The Probation Association is publishing a report on the regulatory burden on trusts (Hitting the Target, Missing the Point), which contains recommendations for improvement. A copy is attached.

The Government proposes a lead provider model and suggests that commissioning for the delivery and enforcement of sentences and for efforts to reduce reoffending will not be separated. What is the appropriate role for probation in such a model?

21.  The State should be responsible for the delivery of justice, including the implementation of court orders. Efforts to reduce reoffending and enforcement of sentences are most successful when one body is responsible for all delivery, commissioning and enforcement in a locality. Therefore the Secretary of State should contract only with public sector probation trusts (using an outcomes based contract—see paragraph 16 above).

22.  A criticism of such a "public sector monopoly" type approach is that it provides insufficient incentive to be more efficient or effective. A reward model for trusts would drive a robust local commissioning approach: trusts would be spurred to provide services in the most cost-effective way, either themselves or by sub-commissioning locally. Trusts should therefore be rewarded through a "core plus" model, in which the Secretary of State pays a guaranteed sum to enable trusts to meet central costs and agreed baseline performance with "top-up" payments for extra volumes and better outcomes.

23.  Though providers to the Secretary of State trusts should, at local level, therefore primarily be commissioners. The advantages of this approach are that it:

—  enables probation services to remain totally integrated at local level, managed as a cohesive, inter-related whole;

—  reflects and supports a place-based, multi-agency approach to public protection, reducing reoffending and community safety (see above);

—  encourages trusts to explore new models of service delivery such as mutuals and other partnerships; and

—  leaves intact existing arrangements for the sharing of sensitive information around high risk offenders, which depend on mutual trust developed over time.

24.  The disadvantages of a model in which the Secretary of State commissions from multiple providers are that:

—  it fragments provision;

—  extra systems have to be created to join up the resulting fragmented provision eg re offenders subject to supervision by more than one provider, or between public sector offender managers and providers in other agencies contracted by the Secretary of State;

—  it introduces new players into the sensitive arena of public protection with the risk that police, in particular, may be very cautious about sharing information with them; and

—  trusts will become weaker strategically and financially if they lose business, less able to engage as strong local partners in the often complex multi-agency environments, and less flexible internally.

25.  An effective local commissioner model depends on trusts taking a very active commissioning stance in relation to all aspects of work (apart from services to courts which are reserved to probation trusts or other public sector bodies by the Offender Management Act 2007). Trusts must be willing to test whether even core services might better be delivered by another provider under contract to the trust. Instead of investing in competition at national level, resources therefore should be devoted to helping trusts continuously develop as commissioners. Trusts should also be supported to further develop alternative models of provision such as social enterprises and other partnership arrangements with local public, private and not-for-profit organisations.

26.  Thus we support competition and diverse models of provision but they must be managed at local trust level by trusts themselves.

27.  The imminent competition for the provision of community payback (CP), formerly known as unpaid work and before that as community service, will, if any one of the six contracts is won by a private sector provider, introduce the weaknesses set out above that arise in a multiple provider environment.

28.  It will also erode local accountability, conflicting with the Government's localism strategy whose effectiveness was endorsed by the TP pilots. CP is a local sentence whereby local offenders make amends for their crimes to local communities but, for example, any organisation, public or private, winning the contract for CP in the lot covering Wales, Cheshire, Greater Manchester and Merseyside (an area covering 42 principal local authorities) is unlikely to be able to be held to account locally. We are concerned the "big is beautiful" approach mitigates against the validated benefits of locally commissioned services, locally accountable organisations and place-based budgets.

29.  We will support our members in their bids to win the contracts, but we believe there are better, less risky, ways of introducing competition into the justice arena.

January 2011


 
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Prepared 27 July 2011